Onlayn kitobni bepul oʻqish  A Source-Book of English Social History

muallif M.E. Monckton Jones

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A SOURCE-BOOK OF
ENGLISH SOCIAL HISTORY

A SOURCE-BOOK OF
ENGLISH
SOCIAL HISTORY

BY
M. E. MONCKTON JONES, M.A.
F. R. Hist. Soc.
LECTURER IN HISTORY, HOMERTON COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE

METHUEN & CO. LTD.
36 ESSEX STREET W. C.
LONDON

First Published in 1922

PREFACE

The new scientific method of teaching history requires that the student should learn to examine some at least of the evidence for himself, and to form a judgment upon it: he is no longer expected to accept the teacher’s statements without discussion. Material for examination is, however, usually in the inaccessible form of ancient records, Latin chronicles, and so forth. It is the part of source-books to provide extracts from such records which may serve as laboratory specimens for analysis. They have the further aim of painting scenes vivid with local colour and live with the expressions of the actors themselves, so making the dry bones of the text-book put on flesh and reality.

This volume contains illustrations of various stages in the economic and social life of the British people from Saxon days to the Industrial Revolution. Fragments of the Saxon laws show the give and take of community life working out into rules of fair play and justice. The influence of the Church in trade, in education, in exploration and over-seas intercourse, appears in the life of Ingulf of Croyland. Town life is seen to develop through gild regulations and the records of London. The consequent growth of the burghers’ power in Parliament, in naval organization and in finance over against the power of great noble houses, and the disorder of the fifteenth century, emerge from the Paston Correspondence. Parliamentary Rolls, and the accounts of London’s growth. From manorial regulations, notes of wages at different periods, and contemporaries’ accounts of enclosures, the great changes in rural life are shown; while the explorations of Carpini and Marco Polo in the East and the Spaniards’ account of Drake’s piracy in the West indicate the change from the mediæval to the modern world. The growth of commerce as the controlling factor in politics is indicated by the letters of Sir Thomas Roe and the East India Company’s minutes, the writings of Defoe and Franklin; and Young’s tour hints at the state of England on the eve of the Industrial Revolution.

These extracts have, as far as possible, been taken from sources which the teacher can easily consult further on particular points, in the hope of promoting such study, without which the average teacher’s fountain of inspiration must soon run dry, to the withering of his pupil’s zeal.

For permission to borrow from their volumes I am greatly indebted to Sir W. Foster and Miss Sainsbury, Mr. S. C. Hill and Mr. Callender, also to the Hakluyt Society, the Royal Historical Society, the Oxford University Press, Mr. John Murray, and Messrs. Ginn & Co.

M. E. M. J.

February, 1922

CONTENTS

CHAP.

PAGE

I.

SAXON VILLAGE AND MANORIAL SYSTEMS

1

II.

GILDS

15

III.

MEDIÆVAL LIFE AND EXPLORATIONS

28

IV.

THIRTEENTH CENTURY LONDON

48

V.

FIFTEENTH CENTURY LIFE

82

VI.

EXPLORATION

106

VII.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF LIFE IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES

120

VIII.

EIGHTEENTH CENTURY EXTRACTS

152

A SOURCE-BOOK OF
ENGLISH SOCIAL HISTORY

CHAPTER I

SAXON VILLAGE AND MANORIAL SYSTEMS

INTRODUCTORY NOTES

Laws of Ethelbert

These laws are dated A.D. 600, only three years after the coming of St. Augustine. Throughout them and the later dooms the educative effect of Christianity in its Roman form is to be traced. Hitherto law had been oral, traditional, unrecorded; these customary laws are now first reduced to written form and made permanent for the local kingdom.

(5) Compensation, already reckoned in money though not always paid in coin (cf. 59), is the customary quittance for every offence.

(9) Crime, hitherto an offence only against the victim and his kin, is here further treated as an offence against the community represented by the King.

(74, 77) Status of woman high; marriage a business contract.

Laws of Ine

(20, 43) Most of England is still under woodland.

(25) Trade already considerable (cf. Athelstane, 10, 13).

(42) Farming done in common; use of quickset as well as temporary hurdle fences.

(44, 49) Important place of swine in Saxon economy.

Laws of Alfred

Influence of Church supreme in the form and matter of the laws, the Mosaic infused among Saxon customary rules.

(30, 32) Survival of Paganism, possibly reinforced by Danish influence.

(39) Woodland not yet cleared of wild beasts.

Laws of Athelstane

Note here the practice of local minting, now confined to officers of the Church or King; also the use of horses as well as oxen in farm labour.

Legislation is now by the King in council and the whole series of excerpts show the re-establishment of order and royal authority based on the fundamental principle of loyalty to the oath. The sworn bond between man and lord was already in Alfred’s reign the most sacred, its breach constituting treason for which no money penalty might atone.

Growth of Trade

This is apparent in Alfred’s laws (34), in Edward’s (12), and Athelstane’s; it is regulated by royal and not by local authority; and disputes between Dane and Saxon lead to the general imposition of the rule of “Commendation” of landless men to lords, which gave rise to the Saxon system later called manorial.

Boundary Dispute, 896 A.D.

Note the power of the local Witan to try property cases; the co-operation of bishop and chapter in the grant; the instance of commendation; the priest’s position as spokesman of the villagers.

Manorial System

Fitzherbert’s account of the rise of manors ignores the Saxon basis for the grouping of tenants under a lord to whom they paid service for their lands. This system did not begin at the Conquest but earlier (cf. Ine, 67; Alfred, 23; Athelstane, 8, 10, etc.).

It was in most cases a fair, voluntary bargain (cf. Boundary Dispute), in which one party owed protection, military and legal, in return for the labour of the other. This feudal compact enabled the country to pass through the Danish troubles and consequent disorder under the leadership of the lords. Once security had been re-established by the central power of the Angevin kings, both the need for lords and their sense of responsibility for their men faded and their power was abused till the economic forces of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries gave the men a means of resistance.

Custumals of Battle Abbey

It is possible from these details to construct a vivid scene of manorial life. Owners of ecclesiastical manors were usually more liberal to their tenants than lay lords. Interesting features are the work of the lord’s officer, the Reeve; the fact that while a half-hide may support a considerable family, the work of only one member is required to do the services; the ease with which the elaborate details of the services led to disputes; the ranks of the various villeins and the consequent difference in the service each paid; the constant use of barter, goods being paid rather than money.

SAXON LAWS OR DOOMS

(Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes)

ETHELBERT

(King of Kent, 560-610.) (p. 2)

(5) If a man slay another in the king’s tun[1] let him make bot[2] with fifty shillings.

(9) If a freeman steal from a freeman, let him make threefold bot; and let the king have the wite[3] and all the chattels.

(17) If any one be the first to make an inroad into a man’s tun let him make bot with six shillings; let him who follows with three shillings; after, each, a shilling.

(21) If a man slay another, let him make bot with ... a hundred shillings.

(24) If any one bind a freeman, let him make bot with twenty shillings.

(74) Let maiden-bot be as that of a freeman.

(77) If a man buy a maiden with cattle let the bargain stand, if it be without guile, but if there be guile, let him bring her home again, and let his property be restored to him.

OF THE DOOMS OF INE

(Wessex, 688 A.D.) (Ibid. p. 45)

(20) If a far-coming man or a stranger journey through a wood out of the highway, and neither shout nor blow his horn, he is to be held for a thief, either to be slain or redeemed.

(25) If a chapman traffic up among the people, let him do it before witnesses....

(40) A ceorl’s close ought to be fenced winter and summer. If it be unfenced and his neighbours’ cattle stray in through his own gap, he shall have nothing from the cattle: let him drive it out and bear the damage.

(42) If ceorls have a common meadow, or other partible land to fence, and some have fenced their part, some have not, and (stray cattle) eat up their common corn or grass, let those go who own the gap, and compensate to the others who have fenced their part, the damage which there may be done, and let them demand such justice on the cattle as it may be right. But if there be a beast that breaks hedges and goes in everywhere, and he who owns it will nor or cannot restrain it; let him who finds it in his field take it and slay it, and let the owner take its skin and flesh and forfeit the rest.

(43) When anyone burns a tree in a wood, and it be found out against him who did it, let him pay the full wite; let him give sixty shillings because fire is a thief. If anyone fell in a wood a good many trees, and be afterwards discovered; let him pay for three trees, each with thirty shillings. He need not pay for more of them, were there so many of them as might be; because the axe is an informer, not a thief.

(44) But if anyone cut down a tree under which thirty swine may stand, and it be discovered let him pay sixty shillings.

(49) If a man among his mast find unallowed swine, then let him take a wed[4] of six shillings value.... If pannage[5] be taken for swine, of those three fingers thick in fat, the third; of those two fingers, the fourth; of those a thumb thick, the fifth.

(59) A cow’s horn shall be worth two pence; an ox’s tail shall be worth a shilling; a cow’s shall be five pence; an ox’s eye shall be worth five pence; a cow’s shall be worth a shilling. There shall always be given as barley-rent from one wyrhta (a measure of land) six pounds.

(67) If a man agree for a yard of land,[6] or more, at a fixed rent, and plough it; if the lord desire to raise the land to him to service and to rent, he need not take it upon him, if the lord do not give him a dwelling, and let him lose the crop.

(69) A sheep shall go with its fleece until Midsummer, or let the fleece be paid for with two pence.

ALFRED’S DOOMS

(King of England, 871-901.) (Ibid. p. 20)

[Alfred’s Dooms begin with the Ten Commandments and other regulations taken from the Old Testament.]

(15) He who stealeth a freeman and selleth him, and if it be proved against him so that he cannot clear himself; let him perish by death.

(16) If anyone smite his neighbour with a stone or with his fist, and he nevertheless can go out with a staff, let him get a leech, and work his work while that himself may not.

(19) If anyone thrust out another’s eye, let him give his own for it; tooth for tooth; hand for hand; foot for foot; burning for burning; wound for wound; stripe for stripe.

(22) If anyone dig a water-pit, or open one that is shut up, and close it not again; let him pay for whatever cattle may fall therein; and let him have the dead (beast).

(23) If an ox wound another man’s ox, and if it then die, let them sell the (live) ox, and have the worth in common, and also the flesh of the dead one. But if the lord knew that the ox had used to push, and he would not confine it, let him give him another ox for it, and have all the flesh for himself.

(24) If anyone steal another’s ox, and slay or sell it, let him give two for it; and four sheep for one. If he have not what he may give, be he himself sold for the cattle.

(30) The women who are wont to receive enchanters, and workers of phantasms, and witches, suffer thou not to live:

(32) And let him who sacrificeth to gods, save unto God alone, perish by death.

(36) If a man have only a single garment wherewith to cover himself, or to wear, and he give it (to thee) in pledge; let it be returned before sunset.

(39) All the flesh that wild beasts leave, eat ye not that, but give it to the dogs.

(43) Judge thou very evenly: judge thou not one doom to the rich, another to the poor; nor one to thy friend, another to thy foe, judge thou.

(47) To the stranger and comer from afar behave thou not unkindly, nor oppress thou him with any wrongs.

I then, Alfred, king, gathered these together and commanded many of them to be written which our forefathers held, those which to me seemed good; many of those which seemed to me not good I rejected them, by the counsel of my Witan, and in other wise commanded them to be holden; for I durst not venture to set down in writing much of my own, for it was unknown to me what of it would please those who should come after us.

FURTHER SERIES

(12) If a man burn or hew another’s wood without leave, let him pay for every great tree with five shillings, and afterwards for each, let there be as many of them as may be, with five pence, and thirty shillings as wite.

(34) It is also directed to chapmen, that they bring the men whom they take up with them before the king’s reeve at the folk-moot, and let it be stated how many of them there are ... and when they have need of more men up with them on their journey, let them always declare it, as often as their need may be, to the king’s reeve, in presence of the gemot.

(36) Of heedlessness with a spear.

If a man have a spear over his shoulder, and any man stake himself upon it, that he pay the wer[7] without the wite. If he stake himself before his face, let him pay the wer. If he be accused of wilfulness in the deed, let him clear himself according to the wite; and with that let the wite abate. And let this be if the point be three fingers higher than the hindmost part of the shaft; if they be both on a level, the point and the hindmost part of the shaft, be that without danger.

EDWARD AND GUTHRUM

(Ibid. p. 71)

(7) If anyone engage in Sunday marketing, let him forfeit the chattel, and 12 ores among the Danes, or thirty shillings among the English. If a freeman work on a festival day let him forfeit his freedom or pay wite.

(12) If anyone wrong an ecclesiastic or a foreigner through any means, as to money or as to life, then shall the king or the eorl there in the land, and the bishop of the people be unto him in the place of a kinsman and of a protector, unless he have another.

LAWS OF ATHELSTANE, A.D. 925

(Ibid. p. 83)

Of Landless Men

(8) And we have ordained: if any landless man should become a follower in another shire, and again seek his kinsfolk; that he may harbour him on this condition; that he present him to folkright if he there do any wrong, or make bot for him.

(9) He who attaches cattle, let V of his neighbours be named to him; and of the V let him get one who will swear with him that he takes it to himself by folkright: and he who will keep it to himself, to him let there be named X men, and let him get two of them, and give the oath that it was born on his property....

(10) And let no man exchange any property without the witness of the reeve, or of the mass priest, or of the landlord ... or of any other unlying man....

But if it be found that any of these have given wrongful witness, that his witness never stand again for aught, and that he also give XXX shillings as wite.

(12) And we have ordained that no man buy any property out of port[8] over XX pence; but let him buy there within on the witness of the port reeve, or of another unlying man: or further on the witness of the reeves at the folkmoot.

(13) And we ordain that every burh[9] be repaired XIV days over Rogation Days.

Secondly that every marketing be within port.

(14) Thirdly: that there be one money over all the king’s dominions and that no man mint except within port.

And if the moneyer be guilty, let the hand be struck off with which he wrought the offence, and be set up on the money smithy....

In Canterbury VII moneyers; IV the king’s, and II the bishop’s, I the abbot’s.

At Rochester III; II the king’s, and I the bishop’s.

At London VIII.

At Winchester VI.

At Lewes II.

At Hastings I.

Another at Chichester.

At Hampton II.

At Wareham II.

At Exeter II.

At Shaftesbury II.

Else at the other burgs I.

(15) Fourthly: that no shieldwright cover a shield with sheep’s skin; and if he do so, let him pay XXX shillings.

(16) Fifthly: that every man have to the plough two well-horsed men.

(18) Seventhly: that no man part with a horse over sea, unless he wish to give it.

(24) ... And that no marketing be on Sundays; but if anyone do so, let him forfeit the goods, and pay XXX shillings as wite.

(26) But if any one of my reeves will not do this, and care less about it than we have commanded: then let him pay my oferhyrnes[10], and I will find another who will. And let the bishop exact the oferhyrnes of the reeve in whose following it may be....

All this was established in the great Synod of Greatanlea[11]: in which was the archbishop Wulfhelm, with all the noblemen and witan....

Athelstane, king, makes it known: that I have learned that our frith[12] is worse kept than is pleasing to me, or it at Greatanlea was ordained; and my witan say that I have too long borne with it. Now I have decreed with the witan who were with me at Exeter at mid winter; that they [the Frith breakers], shall all be ready, in themselves and with wives and property and with all things to go whither I will (unless from henceforth they shall desist) on this ... condition, that they never come again to the country ... now that is because the oaths, and the weds, and the books[13] are all disregarded and broken which were there given; and we know of no other things to trust in except it be this.

ETHELRED, A.D. 1008

(Ibid. p. 119)

(13) Let Sunday’s festival be rightly kept, as is thereto becoming: and let marketings and folkmotes be carefully abstained from on that holy day.

CHURCH RULES

(Ibid. p. 472)

We have also seen often in the church, corn, and hay, and all kinds of peculiar things kept;

Mass priest[14] ought always to have at their houses a school of disciples, and if any good man desire to commit his little ones to them for instruction, they ought very gladly to receive them, and kindly teach them.... They ought not, however, for that instruction to desire anything from their relations, except what they shall be willing to do for them of their own accord....

Also we command those mass priests, who are subjected to us, that they very earnestly [busy] themselves about the people’s learning: that those who are learned in books frequently and zealously teach their parishioners from these books, who may not be so far learned in books.

BOUNDARY DISPUTE SETTLED, A.D. 896

(Ibid., p. 139)

“In that year Ethelred, alderman, summoned all the witan of the Mercians together at Gloster, bishops and aldermen and all his chief men, and did that with the knowledge and leave of King Alfred.... Then bishop Werferth made known to the ‘witan’ that almost all the woodland had been reft from him that belonged to Woodchester which king Ethelbald gave to Worcester in perpetual alms, as mastland and woodland, to bishop Wilferth ... and then Aethelwald [the occupier] forthwith declared that he would not oppose the right.... And so very mildly gave it up to the bishop, and ordered his ‘geneat’ named Eclaf, to ride with the townsmen’s priest, named Wulfhere; and he then led him along all the boundaries as he read them to him from the old books how king Ethelbald had before increased and given it. Then, however, Aethelwald desired of the bishop and the convent that they would kindly allow him to enjoy it while he lived, and Allmund his son; and they would hold it in fee of him and the convent; and, he never, nor either of them would bereave him of the pannage right, which he had allowed him in Longridge, for the time in which God gave it to him.... So did the witan of the Mercians declare it in the ‘gemot’; and showed him the charters of the land.... And thus the townsmen’s priest rode it, and Aethelwald’s ‘geneat’ with him.... Thus did Aethelwald’s man point out to him the boundaries as the old charters directed and indicated.”

MANORIAL SYSTEM

FITZHERBERT’S ACCOUNT OF THE RISE OF MANORS

(Sir A. Fitzherbert, Book of Husbandry; Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce. App. 1, Edition 1882.)

Customary tenants are those that hold their lands of their lord by copy of court roll, after the custom of the manor. And there be many tenants within the same manor, that have no copies and yet hold by like Custom and service at the will of the lord. And in mine opinion it began soon after the Conquest, when William Conqueror had conquered the Realm he rewarded all those that came with him, in his voyage royal, according to their degree. And to honourable men he gave lordships, manors, lands and tenements with all the inhabitants, men and women, dwelling in the same, to do with them at their pleasure. And those honourable men thought that they must needs have servants and tenants, and their lands occupied with tillage. Wherefore they pardoned the inhabitants of their lives, and caused them to do all manner of service, that was to be done, was it never so vile, and caused them to occupy their lands and tenements in tillage and took of them such rents, customs and services as it pleased them to have. And also took all their goods and cattle at all times at their pleasure, and called them their bondmen, and since that time many noblemen, both spiritual and temporal, of their godly disposition, have made to divers of the said bondmen manumissions and granted them freedom and liberty.... Howbeit, in some places, the bondmen continue as yet the which me seemeth is the greatest inconvenience that now is suffered by the law, that is to have any christian bounden to another and to have the rule of his body, lands or goods, that his wife, children and servants have laboured for all their lifetime to be so taken, like as an it were extortion or bribery.

And many times by colour thereof there be many freemen taken as bondmen, and their lands and goods taken from them, so that they shall not be able to sue for remedy to prove themselves free of blood. And that is most commonly when the freemen have the same name as the bondmen, or that his ancestors, of whom he is come, was manumized before his birth. In such case there cannot be too great a punishment.

In many lordships there is a customary roll between a lord and his tenants, and it ought to be indented, one part to remain in the lord’s keeping, the other part with the tenants and divers true copies to be made of the same, that the rents and customs run not out of remembrance. And also a suit roll to call all those by name, that oweth any suit to the lord’s court and then shall there be no concealment of the suitors, but that the steward may know who is not there, and if any suitors decease, the name of his next heir would be entered into the same roll, and an enquiry made, and presented, what he held of the lords and by what rents, customs and services of every parcel by itself, and who is his next heir, and of what age he is of, and this truly done and entered into the roll, it would be a conveyance of descent ... and profitable to the lords and also to the tenants.

BATTLE ABBEY CUSTUMALS

(Custumals of Battle Abbey, Ed., S. R. Scargill-Bird. Camden Society, New Series, 41)

MANOR OF ALSISTUN, SUSSEX (p. XVIII)

The reeve held one virgate for which he rendered no service so long as he kept his office.

CUSTOMARY TENANTS

Services due from each half hide

Every half hide owed to the lord, on every working day, the services of one man, to do whatever should be required of him;

If thrashing was required three men ought to thrash in a day half a seam and half a bushel [i.e. 4½ bushels] of corn, or two men ½ seam of barley, or each man 6 bushels of oats; and of beans and vetches the same quantity as of corn; They were to thrash in whatever barn they might be directed to do (within the manor) and to winnow what they had thrashed and carry it to the granary, and if it were far to the granary to employ their cattle in carrying it;

If ditching was required two men were to make in a day 1 perch of new ditch, 5 feet in width, or each man to repair 1 perch of old;

If other work was required of them they were to work until their fellows had finished their work in the barn;

In ploughing and harrowing they were to work until it was time to unharness the plough.

When they had to break clods, to wash or shear sheep, to hoe corn, and to mow or gather hay, they were to work the whole day except the dinner hour;

In addition to the ordinary daywork each ½ hide was to find a man for one day to gather the hay; and also a man to mow and cock hay for one day; and they were to carry the whole of the hay, each half hide with two oxen;

If necessary each half hide was to find two men to reap in the lord’s field, receiving therefor every tenth sheaf,—or if the lord should prefer it, each half hide was to reap in a day an acre of corn or oats or half an acre of barley or vetches with as many men as they chose, receiving every tenth sheaf;

They were to carry all the corn, each half hide with two oxen;

Also each half hide was to find two men and two oxen to cart manure till it was all carted away;

To plough one acre for corn once and to sow half of it, providing the seed;

To plough one acre for barley twice, and two acres for oats once, to carry the seed for the same from the granary to the field, and to harrow the same;

Every half hide was also to carry 4 loads of wood yearly to the lord’s hearth, and when he was building, a cartload of timber;

If it were necessary to fetch grain from Seford or elsewhere near, each half hide was to go with one beast twice a day or if further, once a day, such service being reckoned as one day’s work;

Each was also to provide and make four rafters with the appurtenances, and the roofing for the lord’s sheepcote except with great timber, this being reckoned as two day’s work;

Also to carry to Battle every Monday; if however the tenant’s mare was dead or foaling, he was to be quit from one averagium but he was to work instead.

DUTIES OF FOUR COTTARS (p. XX)

From Michaelmas to hoeing time to perform two days’ work a week, namely on Monday and Wednesday; and (as they say) do no other works except to thrash, to break clods, and to spread hay when necessary;

At Christmas each was to carry to Battle 12 hens, and at Easter 250 eggs, and they were to be free from work for twelve days at Christmas and “a die Paraceves”, from Holy Friday to the octaves of Easter;

They were to hoe whenever there was anything to be hoed, to attend to the sheepshearing, and at haytime and harvest each to find one man for the whole time.

CHAPTER II

GILDS

INTRODUCTORY NOTES

Winchester

An example of full rights of self-government, the city electing its own Mayor and other officers. Citizens are entitled to attend the moot, but are already becoming a close oligarchy, “every worker” not being admitted to the freedom of the city.

Note that shops are uncommon, goods are usually sold at booths erected in market or street.

The “Great Gild” is the Merchant gild comprising all traders; the various crafts have their own gilds but are subject to the Mayor as representative of the Gild Merchant out of which in this case the corporation appears to have arisen, the townhall being called the Gildhall, and rules being enforced to maintain a high standard in commodities sold. The town dues and regulations tend to check the natural growth of industry and to restrict it in favour of freemen of the city.

Bristol

Note here that the crafts are clearly subjected to the Mayor of a Merchant Gild, who has also acquired the right to hold view of frank-pledge, etc.

The Gild of Fullers shows the importance in mediæval gilds attached to keeping up a sound standard of work and value. Thus in addition to protecting their own members as a Trades Union does, they also protected the consumer and general public.

Adam of Gloucester

Here is a case of an outsider claiming the rights of a freeman and resisting the town authority by pleading the king’s. Thus his case is heard in the king’s court of Common Bench and not in either the Mayor’s Court or the Shiremoot.

The extract from the Hereford Iter appears to refer to the same clothier. It illustrates the growth of a demand for written evidence, the lawyer throwing scorn on the value of the tally, though tallies had been commonly used at the king’s Exchequer. The reference to Law Merchant should be noted. Edward I by the Statute of Acton Burnell in 1283 had established courts in certain boroughs in which merchants might have merchant law for the recovery of debts.

Gild of St. Michael, Lincoln

This extract describes the normal doings of a gild, it is of special interest that it insists on equality among its members.

Gild of Tailors, Exeter

Letters Patent, or Charters were often merely confirmations of an already existing gild, sometimes probably dating from Saxon days but having fresh occasion to fear interference on the part of a neighbouring lord or the king, written records having now become the rule in cases of tenure of property. Such charters were often submitted to succeeding kings for confirmation, and where this was not done Charles II was able to make large sums by calling in the ancient charters. This record also shows well the efforts made to keep up a good standard of work, and the extent of the jurisdiction of the gild-authorities.

The Livery Companies

Stow’s account is inserted here to show the unbroken succession of these voluntary associations from Saxon to modern days; though at the Reformation they lost their religious character.

The later trading companies are closely akin to these, but lack the main motive of mutual charity, though they too exist to co-operate in work for which the individuals’ efforts would not suffice. The earliest of them, the Merchant Adventurers, did actually begin as the religious gild of S. Thomas of Canterbury, being joined by Flemings holding a charter to trade from John of Brabant.

USAGES OF WINCHESTER

(Toulmin Smith, English Gilds)

Summary

These be the olde usages of the City of Winchester, that have been used in the time of our elderne, be and shall be to the franchise[15] saving and sustaining.

The Mayor shall be chosen every year, by the four and twenty sworn men and the commonalty.

There shall be four and twenty sworn men, for a Council to help the Mayor: who shall attend him on summons.

There shall be two Bailiffs, who shall be chosen by the Commonalty, out of four named by the Mayor and Twenty four, at the Michaelmas borough moot.

Also four Serjeants to do the bidding of the Mayor and Bailiffs.

And two Coroners who are to act in the soke[16] as well as in the city.

The Bailiffs must every year lodge the plea rolls[17] for common use.

N.B.—The Twenty four must be impartial, and be careful in speech.

Makers of quilts and blankets must work within the city and pay an annual tax for the houses where quilts are made. Every worker does not become a freeman.

The price of burel cloth shall be according to the time of year.

Burel cloth shall be made by freemen of the town.

Blankets of given lengths shall be made of given breadths.

Blankets not made of the given lengths and breadths shall be forfeited.

No stalls to be in the High Street at mere will.

None but freemen may buy untanned leather or raw hides in the town, and these not to be taken out of the town.

No fish nor poultry to be bought for sale before undern. (i.e., 9 a.m.). Victuals brought in for sale shall not be taken back unsold without leave.

Regrators and engrossers shall be heavily punished. A rent of a farthing to be paid to the king for every board on which fish is shown for sale.

Every one shall pay a halfpenny to the king for every load of fish that he puts out for sale.

Every non-freeman shall pay for every cartload of fish brought in, twopence halfpenny: and for every horseload of fresh fish, a penny halfpenny, and of salt fish a halfpenny.

[Similar regulations for bakers and brewers with rules as to the quality of the food.]

No non-freeman may have a booth for sale of goods within the town.

Cheese, butter, grease, and smear pay the same toll as wool, half weight counting the same as the whole.

Each sort of goods that ought to be weighed shall be brought into the town. Misdoers shall be punished.

Six good men shall be chosen, three by the Commonalty, and three by the Twenty four to gather in all king’s dues and town rates; who shall yield an account thereof. An account must be given to the Six of moneys gathered by the Mayor or others out of town. If any man find goods for common use, it shall be put to his score, or the goods be returned.

When the time comes for the great Gild sale, men of good name shall be sought, to gather the fees of the merchants.

Non-freemen shall pay to the bailiffs, at the town-gates, for every cartload of corn coming into the town for sale, a halfpenny toll; and for every horse load a farthing.

Steel or iron 2d. per cartload, 1d. per horseload. New saddles the same, Millstones 4d. or 2d., Barrels 1d. or ½d., Tanned leather 2d. or 1d., Madder 2d. or 1d., Woad waxen 4d. or 1d.

Every cordwainer that has a shop shall pay to the king 6d. a year; and to the clerk 1d. for registration.

The master dyers of the painters have a custom to choose two good men who shall assay the goods of outsiders as between seller and buyer.

Every tanner shall pay 2s. a year for a stand in the High Street; and to the clerk a penny.

Every seller of grease, smeare and tallow shall at Easter pay to the king 1d. as smergavel.

Every shoe-maker using new ox leather shall pay at Easter 2d. as shongavel.

The city has a Common Seal and authentic, with which the town charters are sealed. An alderman keeps the charters for a year and a day. Three days warning must be openly given of the sealing. Such charters, unchallenged, are made good for ever by that seal. The sealers of grants to have 6d. for wax and all.

There shall be three copies of the seal. Two of the Twenty four shall keep two and one of the Commonalty the third. All shall be kept in a coffer, set in a larger coffer having two locks; the keys of one lock being kept by one of the Twenty-four, and that of the other lock by one of the Commonalty.

[Rules of pleading in the courts of the city of Winchester follow.]

BRISTOL [later regulations]

GILD MASTERS SANCTIONED BY THE MAYOR

(Toulmin Smith, p. 420)

It hath been used, the Mayor to let summon all the masters of the Bakers, Brewers, Butchers, and of all other crafts of the town, to come before him, and then to go and assemble them at their halls and places accustomed, to the election of their masters for the year following, and thereupon to bring their said masters and present them before the Mayor, there to take their oaths in the Mayor’s presence.

It hath been used, that within a month after Michaelmas Day, the Mayor, Sheriff and Bailiffs of Bristol, to hold their Lawday in the Guildhall, by the town clerk of the same town, there to call, first the whole Council of Bristol, without any fines accepted for absence, and after that to call all freeholders and common suitors upon pain of fines, and then to call the constables of every Ward. And so to proceed to his inquests.

PETITION OF THE GILD OF FULLERS OF BRISTOL TO THE TOWN AUTHORITIES (p. 284)

To the honourable and discreet sirs, the Mayor, sheriff, and all other honourable burgesses of the Common Council of the same town, humbly pray the Masters of the craft of Fullers of the said town: Whereas the said craft has, of old time, had divers ordinances enrolled before you of record in the Gihald of Bristol, in order to put out and do away with all kinds of bad work and deceits which divers people, not knowing the craft, from time to time do, as well in fulling cloths as in “pleityng” and “rekkyng” and many other defects in the said cloths; by which defects the town and craft are fallen into bad repute in many places where the said cloths are put to sale, to the great reproach and hindrance of the said craft.

Wherefore may it please your very wise discretions and honourable wisdom, to grant to the said suppliants that all their good ordinances of old time entered of record, and not repealed, be firmly held and kept and duly put in execution; and that four good men of the said craft be chosen by them every year, and sworn before the Mayor loyally to present all manner of defects which hereafter shall be found touching the said craft, with power, twice a week, to oversee such defects, and, likewise to keep watch over the servants and workmen of the same craft, within the franchise of Bristol, so that the said servants and workmen should not take more wages than of old time is accustomed and ordained.

And besides, discreet sirs, may it please you to grant to the said suppliants the new additions and points below written, to the profit and amendment of the said craft, and to the honour of the said town.

First, it is ordained and agreed that, each year four men of the craft shall be chosen as Masters, to search every house of the said craft, twice a week, and oversee all defects in the said cloths, if any such there be; and to present them before you at the court; so that whosoever does such bad work shall pay for the same the full price of the cloth: one half to go to the town, and the other half to the craft, without any pardon or release: and this, over and above all reasonable amends made to the buyer of the cloths.

Also, the Masters of the craft shall not give more to the men of the said craft than fourpence a day.... And if any of the masters pays more to the workmen than is above ordained, he shall be fined each time ijs; that is to say xij.d. to the commonalty, and xij.d. to the craft. And if the men take more from the masters, they shall pay, each time xij.d.; that is to say, vj.d. to the commonalty, and vi.d. to the craft. And if the men are rebels or contrarious, and will not work, then the four Masters shall have power to take them before the Mayor and Court of Gihald of the town, to be there dealt with according to law and reason. And moreover the said servants shall work and rest in their craft, as well by night as by day, all the year, as has of old time been accustomed.

ADAM OF GLOUCESTER

(Edward I Yearbook; Pleas in Common Bench, p. 306).

1292. “One Adam brought (suit against the town bailiffs) and said that they had tortiously taken his chattels in the town of Gloucester, in the high street, and had taken them away to their toll-booth in the same town tortiously ... bailiffs of the town averred the taking as good; by reason that the custom of the town of Gloucester is this, that no one unless he be a freeman of the town may cut cloth in the said town, but that he can only sell it by the piece; yet nevertheless Adam, who is not a freeman of the town, came and cut his cloth in opposition to the custom.... Adam put forward a charter which witnessed that the king had granted to him that he might cut cloth in the same way as other freemen.”

(Edward I Yearbook. Hereford Iter.)

1292. One Adam demanded a debt by tally and offered suit.

Counsel We do not think that he ought to be answered on a bit of wood like that, without writing.

Adam What answer you to the tally?

Counsel Prayed judgment if he ought to be answered, inasmuch as he offered suit, and then failed to produce it.

Note 1. That one shall not be answered on a tally without suit.

Note 2. Note that by Law Merchant one can not wage his law against a tally; but if he deny the tally, the plaintiff must prove the tally.

GILD OF ST. MICHAEL ON THE HILL, LINCOLN

(Toulmin Smith, English Gilds, p. 178)

[Summary]

[The gild was founded on Easter Eve, A.D. 1350.]

On the death of a brother or sister within the city, not only shall the Dean bring the four wax lights which are called “soul candles,” and fulfil all other usual ceremonies, but the banner of the gild shall be brought to the house of the dead, and there openly shown, that men may know that the dead was a brother or sister of the gild; and this banner shall be carried, with a great torch burning, from the house of the dead, before the body, to the church.

On the eve of the feast of Corpus Christi, and on the eve of the day following, all the bretheren and sisteren shall come together as is the custom, to the gildfeast. At the close of the feast four wax lights having been kindled, and four of the tankards which are called flagons having been filled with ale, a clerk shall read and explain these ordinances, and afterwards the [ale in the] flagons shall be given to the poor.

If any brother or sister goes away from Lincoln for a year, not being on pilgrimage, and afterwards seeks to rejoin the gild, he must pay twelve pence: if away for two years, he must pay two shillings, unless he have grace.

Whoever seeks to be received into the gild, being of the same rank as the bretheren and sisteren who founded it, namely of the rank of common and middling folks, shall be charged to be faithful to the gild, and shall bear his share of its burdens.

And whereas this gild was founded by folks of common and middling rank, it is ordained that no one of the rank of mayor or bailiff shall become a brother of the gild, unless he be found to be of humble, good, and honest conversation, and is admitted by the choice and common assent of the bretheren and sisteren of the gild. And none shall meddle in any matter, unless especially summoned; nor shall such a one take on himself any office in the gild. He shall on his admission be sworn before the bretheren and sisteren, to maintain and keep the ordinances of the gild. And no one shall have any claim to office in this gild on account of the honour and dignity of his personal rank.

If any brother or sister of the gild has fallen into such an ill state that he is unable to earn his living, and has not the means of supporting himself, he shall have, day by day, a penny from the bretheren and sisteren of the gild, in the order in which their names stand on the register of their admission to the gild; each brother or sister giving the penny in turn out of his own means.

GILD OF THE TAILORS, EXETER

(Founded 1466 by charter)

(Toulmin Smith, p. 300)

Outline of Charter

By these Letters Patent, the King, for himself, his heirs, and successors, so far as he has power, enables his lieges of the Craft of Tailors in the City of Exeter, to establish a Gild of the men of the said craft and others; to maintain and encrease it; and to choose a Master and four Wardens. They may wear a livery, and hold meetings and have feasts, and make such ordinances as they think best.

The gild shall be a Body Corporate, and have a Common Seal, and may plead and be impleaded by the name of the Body Corporate. The Master and Wardens shall control the gild, and amend the misdoings of any of its members or their servants. No one shall have a board or shop of that craft, unless free of the city; nor shall anyone be let join the gild unless known to be good and faithful. The Master and Wardens shall have a general control over the craft of tailors, and over others joining the gild, and their crafts; and may, with the consent of the Mayor of the city for the time being, amend all defaults found. None else shall have such control, except the said Master and Wardens, or the Mayor and his deputies. Given at Westminster, on the 17th November, 6 E. IV.

Examples of Control (p. 321)

(2) Md. that John Rowter received IIIj yerdes of brod cloth, blew, to make Master Robert Rydon a gowne; apoun the wheche, the said Master Robert complayned of lackyng of his clothe. And ther the gowne wasse sene before the sayde crafte; and ther wasse fownde no cloth wasted, but ther wasse dewly proved IIj quarteris of brod clothe convayed in peces, as hit apereth by patrons [patterns] of black paper in our Comon Kofer of record, at any time redy to shew, etc. ffor the said defense, the sayde John Rowter summetted hym to the Master and Wardons and to the felascheppe, the xxivth day of October, anno regni E. iiijti, xixo.

(4) Md, That John Walsche, aliis Kent, recevyed of Edmund Colchet vj yerdes of blew osed to make hym a gowne; and so the sayde Edmund complayned of spoylling hys gowne and lackyng of his cloth. And so there wasse fownd no cloth stolen, but ther wasse fownd wasted the valor of a yerd, and the gowne marred: ffor the whech fense, the M. and Wardons juged yt the sayde Edmond shold take hys avountage agaynet ye sayde John at the common law, ffor ye sayde John wasse neuer amytted for a fre sower, and his M. disavoed hym yt he wasse not his foreman.

(5) Md, that John Skeche, setsayne and taylor of the Cyte of Excete come before M. and Wardons, the xvj day of Marche, ao regni Regis E. iiij ti, xxti; and ther complayned vppon Willam Spicer, tayler, for wtholding of a potell pot of pewter, paysing [weighing] iiijti; Item, for sowyng of a kertell wtoute slevis, and for the stuffe of a coler, and settyng on. For the which fense aforesayde, the M. and Wardons hath awarded yt the sayde Willam shall pay onto the sayde John Skeche, in full content of all thyng, fro the begenyng of the world into this daye, xvj.d. And the sayde John Skeche shall relesse hym of all sewtes that ye sayde Skeche hath ayens the sayde Willam for all soche materis a fore wreten.

(6) Md. of a warde y made bi the Maister and Wardons the xvjth day of Jule, the yeere of the Reigne of Kyng Edward the iiijth, the xxjth, betwene William Peeke and John Lynch his seruant; for that the said William unlawfuuli chasted hym, in brusyng of his arme and broke his hedd. And for that it was chuged, bi the said maister and wardons, that the said William Peeke shuld pay, for his leche craifte, v.s.; and for his table for a moneth, iijs. iiijd.; and for amendis, xvs.; and to the craift, xxd. for a fyne for his mysbehaueng aynst the craift.

(8) Md. of won John Tregaso, wiche was swone to the Master and Wardonis of the fraternite of Tayloris of Sent John Battyst in the Cite of Exceter. That, not wtststandyng, the sayde John come before on John at Well, that tyme beyng Mayre, and renonsed the sayde wothe, and was for sworyn on a crucefex. Where a poun, the sayde Master and Wardonis syud the same John a poun a purgery: and so, be the mene of gentyl men and money, they were made acorde, and new swaryn to the Master and Wardonys. And so the sayde John was send for, dyverse tyme to com to durgeis, massis, and other dutyis, acordyng to his othe: the wiche he absent hymself wt owte cause resenable. Where apon, the Master and Wardonys fett hym owte of his howse, and brost hym to Tayleor Hall, and there putt hym in a pere of stockys; and the (y) keped hym by the space of a day and a nygte. Apon the wiche, John Mattheu and Thomas Penhale ware bownde to the Master and Wardonys in xxti. li., that the sayde John Tregaso shuld be of god beryng contynually fro this day forward, the xvijth day of October, the reign of Kyng E. the iiijth, the xxjti.

Goods in the gild hall, 1504 (p. 327)

Here ffolwyth the ymplementes of the Taylorys halle, beyng wtyn the place yn the yere, beyng Master of the occupacion Richard Chubb, ao regni Hi spti xxo, of Exceter.

Md. that ther remayneth, fyrst yn the halle, a payntyed cloth at hye Desse; ij lytell bynches by euery syde, on by the chymney, on nayled to the walle; a planke tabell, wt ij trestelles, att hye desse; a tabell yn the syde of the halle, and a furme; a bynch yn the yn sayde of the tabell; also, yn the parler, a beddestede: also, yn the spence, a tabell planke, and ij sylwes: also, yn the chamber next to the halle, a longe coffer wtoute lockes or keyes, and a beddeste: also yn the utter chamber, a bedde stede: also a brasse pott (a plater of pewter, iiij quarters of a wyolet gowne for a woman, a broche wt a fote, ij new torches but lytell burde), and iiij yndes of torches; a streymer and a baner, a boxe wt iiij ewydence, wt iij other wretynges: and a seyalle of sylver of the brotherredyis.

New Ordinance of 1531

Be it enacted, the fest of Saynt Marke, the xxiijth yere of the raigne of King Henry the viijth, Thomas Hunt then beyng Master, that euery mannys wief, after the deth of hur husbond, beyng a taillor, shall kepe as many servaunts as they wille, to werke wt hur to hur use duryng hur widowhode, so she bere scotte and lotte, yeve and yeld, wt the occupation. And if be proved that the same seruaunts do werke not to the only vse of his said Mastresse, but to his or their owne vse, beth the Mastresse and the seruaunts euery of theym for euery [such offense shall pay in fines] iijs. iiijd.

THE LIVERY COMPANIES

(Stow, Survey of London, Book V, p. 165.)

These Companies severally at sundry times purchased the King’s Favour and License by his Letters Patents to associate themselves in Brotherhoods, with Master and Wardens, for their Government.... And such Liveries have they taken upon them, as well before as since they were by License associated into Brotherhoods or Corporations.

For the first of these Companies that I read of to be a Guild, Brotherhood or Fraternity in this City, were the Weavers, whose Guild was confirmed by Henry the Second. The next Fraternity, which was of St. John Baptist, time out of mind, called of Taylors, and Linnen Armourers of London, I find that King Edward I in the 28th of his Reign, confirmed that Guild.... The other Companies have since purchased License of Societies, Brotherhoods, or Corporations in the Reigns of Edward III, Richard II, Henry IV, Henry V, Henry VI, Edward IV, etc.... The Coverture of Men’s Heads was then Hoods ... in the Guildhall, the Maior is ... pictured, sitting in his Habit party coloured, and a Hood on his Head, his Swordbearer before him with an Hat or Cap of Maintenance: The Common Clerk and other Officers bareheaded, their Hoods on their Shoulders.... These Hoods were worn, the Roundlets upon their Heads, the Skirts to hang behind their Necks to keep them warm, the Tippet to lie on their Shoulder or to wind about their Necks. These Hoods were in old time made in Colours according to their Gowns.... But now ... they have used their Gowns to be all of one Colour and that the Saddest.

THE COMPANY OF SKINNERS, A.D. 1598

(Stow, Book II, p. 201)

This Company of Skinners in London was incorporate by Edward III therefore divers royal Persons were named to be Founders and Brethren of this Fraternity, to wit, Kings six, Dukes nine, Earls two, one Lord.

This Fraternity had also once every year on Corpus Christi Day, after Noon, a Procession which passed through the principal Streets of the City. Wherein was borne more than one hundred Torches of Wax (costly garnished) burning light, and above two hundred Clerks and Priests in Surplices and Copes, singing. After the which were the Sheriffs Servants, the Clerks of the Compters, Chaplains or the Sheriffs, the Maiors Serjeants, the Councel of the City, the Maior and Aldermen in Scarlet, and then the Skinners in their best Liveries.

Thus much to stop the Tongues of unthankful Men, such as use to ask, Why have ye not noted this, Or that, and give no thanks for what is done.

CHAPTER III

MEDIÆVAL LIFE AND EXPLORATIONS

INTRODUCTORY NOTES

Abbey of Croyland

(a, b, c)—

Chief interest social; illustrates origins of centres of civilisation in Saxon England; foundations of abbey laid in same way as those of Glastonbury British Lake village c. 300 B.C.; importance of abbey as place of refuge from (i) floods, (ii) raids, (iii) lack of supplies; as nucleus for growth of town, later prevented by Danish destruction. All precincts would share in sanctuary right.

(d) Valuable instance of land granted in fee-farm, and farm.

(e) This oath of personal homage to King was an all-important innovation and one of the reasons why Britain emerged from feudalism early—France not before fifteenth century, and Germany not till eighteenth century. This fact that Winchester was the capital of Wessex explains the national treasure having been kept there till T. R. Henry II.

(f) An exaggerated statement. The Norman ceremonies of knighthood seem to have differed little. All these practices were included in the full Elizabethan ceremony, which lasted two days. The custom of conveying land by means of some symbol of it or of the service returned, such as the transfer of a sod or a sword, was derived from the practices of European tribes in the primitive semi-nomad stage.

The Burning of Croyland

The servants in the vill would be the tenants of the abbey, living around it in their village huts, farming its lands and doing other services. The roofs of monastic houses were either of thatch or lead. Where lead was used the immense amount of it constituted valuable plunder. This was a large item in the spoils made by the court of Henry VIII on the dissolution.

Junior monks were under the charge of a novice, master or Librarian and spent some time each morning between services in studying in the north-west cloisters. Their books and rolls were kept in cupboards built against the angle formed by the south wall of the nave and the south transept, the most secure and dry spot available.

Astronomy was studied by the Arabs (cf. Psalms of David for Oriental view of the heavens). These mingled with Italians when they held the Mediterranean coasts, from about A.D. 700 onwards. The Emperor Frederick II encouraged this intercourse and so Europe learned from them the elements of mathematics, science and geography. Note that the contributions for re-building the abbey are made in kind, showing the use of barter to be still normal rather than currency.

Life of Abbot Ingulf

This life brings out forcibly the importance of Church intercourse in promoting international relations and preventing insularity. Monastic communities even in Britain were rarely if ever entirely British; they were international hostelries and libraries, centres of international pilgrimage and trade; often under the direction of a foreigner, e.g., Anselm, Stephen Harding of Citeaux; the Papacy thus also international. Note the cosmopolitan company and the divers objects of the crusaders, Norman monks and knights, German bishops, Genoese sailors, Christian merchants, Syrians and Greeks.

The contribution rendered to William by Fontenelle is typical of the feudal aid given on exceptional occasions.

Another noteworthy point is the reception of visiting monks at Croyland for long periods and in great numbers.

Thirteenth Century Explorers

The reports of Carpini and Rubruquis shew a further development of the travelling activity of the Church. Though less influential than the explorations of the sixteenth century, these travels gave almost the only information of the East after the Crusades. They are also valuable illustrations of nomad life. Many children delight in such material as M. Polo’s descriptions, the vivid colour of which is a useful relief to the drabness of modern town life, wakening a sense of the wonder and beauty of other existences.

ABBEY OF CROYLAND

(Ingulf’s Chronicle of Croyland. Tr. by H. T. Riley)

(a) Croyland consisting of fenny lands, it was not able to support a foundation of stone; wherefore the king [Ethelbald] ordered huge piles of oak and beech in countless numbers to be driven into the ground, and solid earth to be brought by water in boats a distance of nine miles, from a place called Upland, and to be thrown into the marsh. And thus whereas the holy Guthlac had been previously content with an oratory made of wood, he both began and finished a church, founded a convent, enriched the place with decorations and lands. (p. 8.)

(b) [c. A.D. 892]. In years of drought ... [the abbots] put their marshes into a state of cultivation ... and for three or four years had fruit a hundredfold for all the seed sown ... the monastery was enriched beyond measure in consequence; and so great was the abundance of corn, that it was able to relieve the whole adjacent country therewith; while, from the resort thither of countless multitudes of needy people, the vill became very greatly increased (p. 107).

(c) [c. A.D. 1013] this year the inundations had increased to an unusual degree in consequence of the frequent showers, and consequently rendered the neighbouring fens, as also the marshlands adjoining thereto, impassable. Accordingly all the population repaired thereto, and infinite multitudes flocked to the spot; the choir and the cloisters were filled with monks, the rest of the church with priests and clerks, and the whole abbey with laymen; while the cemetery was filled night and day with women and children under tents (p. 114).

(d) [A.D. 1085] ... in (account of) our settlement at Croyland, no villeins, bordars, or socmen[18] are put down, as is the case in our other lands; for, except through fear of impending war, few or none would persevere in living with us. For, in the same way that on war breaking out, all of the neighbouring country, rich as well as poor, men as well as women, resorted to Croyland from every side, as a place of refuge, so again on the serenity of peace being restored by the Lord, all, returning homewards, quitted our monastery; our own household of domestics, together with their wives and children, being the only persons left; to whom ... I have lately demised a great part of the marshes and meadows of the seat of our monastery, for a certain annual rent, and the performance of other services; letting to some the same to farm for a certain number of years, and conveying it to others in fee for the purposes of cultivation.

DOMESDAY RECORDS

(e) The illustrious king William ... on his return to England [1085 A.D.] commanded everyone of its people to do him homage at London, and to swear fealty to him against all men. He then proceeded to mark out the land so that there was not a hide of land in all England but what he knew the value and the owner thereof; nor was there a piece of water or any place but what the same was described in the king’s roll; while the rents and profits of the property itself, and the possessor thereof were set forth for the royal notice by the trustworthy report of the valuers, who were chosen out of every district to describe their own neighbourhood.... This register was called the “Winchester roll,” and in consequence of its containing in full all the tenements throughout the whole country, received from the English the name of “Domesday.” (p. 159.)

King Alfred had formerly published a register of a similar nature and closely resembling it, in which he described the whole land of England by counties, hundreds and decuries[19] ... this too was called the “Winchester roll” because it was deposited and kept at Winchester, that city being then the capital of his hereditary kingdom of Wessex.... In the later roll ... there were described, not only the counties, hundreds, decuries, woods, forests, and all the vills, but throughout the whole territory it was stated how many carucates[20] of land there were, how many roods, how many acres, what pasture lands there were, what marshes, what tenements, and who were the tenants thereof.

KNIGHTHOOD, C. A.D. 1066

(f) It was the custom among the English that he who was about to be lawfully consecrated a knight, should, the evening before the day of his consecration, with contrition and compunction make confession of all his sins, before some bishop, abbot, monk or priest, and should after being absolved, pass the night in a church, giving himself up to prayer, devotion and mortification. On the following day he was to hear mass, and to make offering of a sword upon the altar, and after the Gospel, the priest was to bless the sword, and with his blessing to lay it upon the neck of the knight; on which after having communicated at the same mass in the sacred mysteries of Christ, he became a lawful knight. The Normans held in abomination this mode of consecrating a knight, and did not consider such a person to be a lawful knight, but a mere tardy trooper and a degenerate plebian. (p. 147.)

And not only in this custom but in many others as well did the Normans effect a change, for the Normans condemned the English method of executing deeds; which up to the time of King Edward had been confirmed by the subscription of the faithful present, with golden crosses and other sacred signs, and which chirographs[21] they were in the habit of calling charters. The Normans were also in the habit of confirming deeds with wax impressions, made by the especial seal of each person, with the subscription thereto of three or four witnesses then present. At first many estates were transferred simply by word of mouth, without writing or charter, and only with the sword, helmet, horn, or cup of the owner; while many tenements were conveyed with a spur, a body scraper, a bow, and some with an arrow. This, however, was only the case at the beginning of this reign, for in after years the custom was changed (p. 142).

BURNING OF CROYLAND ABBEY

(Ingulf, p. 197)

A most dreadful misfortune befell ... through a most dreadful conflagration.... For, our plumber being engaged in the tower of the church, repairing the rood, he neglected to put out his fire in the evening; but ... covered it over with dead ashes that he might get more early to work in the morning, and then came down to his supper.

After supper was over all our servants had betaken themselves to bed, when after the deepest sleep had taken possession of them all, a most violent north wind arose, and so hastened on this greatest of misfortunes that could possibly befall us. For as it entered the tower in every direction through the open gratings, and blew upon the dead ashes, it caused the fire thus fanned into life, to communicate with the adjoining timbers.... The people in the vill for a long time perceived a great glare of light in the belfry, and supposing it was either the clerks of the church or else the plumber busily engaged at some work there; but at last on seeing the flames bursting forth, with loud outcries they knocked at the gate of the monastery. This was about the dead of night, when all of us, resting in our beds, were in our first and soundest sleep. At last I was aroused from slumbers by the loud shouts of the people, and hastening to the nearest window, I most distinctly perceived, as though it had been midday all the servants of the monastery running from every quarter, shouting and hallooing, towards the church. Still in my night clothes I awoke my companions and descended in all haste to the cloisters, which were lighted up on all sides just as though there had been a thousand lamps burning. On running to the door of the church and trying to effect an entrance, I was prevented from so doing by the melted brass of the bells which was pouring down, and the heated lead which in like manner was falling in drops. Upon this I retreated and looked in at the windows and on finding the flames everywhere prevailing, turned my steps towards the dormitory ... of the brethren....

On recognising my voice, full of alarm, they sprang up from their beds, and half naked, and clad only in their night-clothes, the instant they heard the fire in the cloisters, rushed forth through all the windows of the Dormitory, and fell to the ground with dreadful force; many were wounded and severely shaken by the severity of the fall, and shocking to relate, some had their limbs broken. The flames, however, in the meanwhile, growing stronger and stronger, and continually sending forth flakes from the church in the direction of the Refectory, first communicated with the Chapter house, then they caught the Dormitory, and after that the Refectory, and at the same instant the Ambulatory, which was near the Infirmary. After this they extended their ravages with a sudden outburst, to the whole of the Infirmary, with all the adjoining offices. All the brethren flying for refuge to the spot where I stood in the court, on seeing most of them half-naked, I attempted to regain my chamber, in order to distribute the clothes which I had there, among such as I saw stand in the greatest need thereof; but so great was the heat that had taken possession of all the approaches to the Hall, and so vast were the torrents of molten lead that were pouring down in every direction, that it rendered it impossible for even the boldest of the young men to effect an entrance.... (p. 199).

At this moment, the tower of the Church falling on its south side I was so stunned by the crash, that I fell to the ground half dead and in a swoon. Being raised by my brethren and carried to our porter’s room, I was scarcely able, until morning, to recover my right senses or my usual strength....

About the third hour of the day, the flames being now greatly subdued, we effected an entry into the church, and water being carried thither, extinguished the fire there, which had now pretty well burned out. In the choir, which was reduced to ashes, we found all the books of the holy office utterly destroyed, both Antiphonaries as well as Gradals. On entering the vestiary, however, we found all our sacred vestments and the relics of the Saints, as well as some other precious things deposited there untouched by the flames, the place being covered with a double roof of stone. Going upstairs into our muniment room, we found that, although it had been covered throughout with an arching of stone, the fire had still made its way through the wooden windows; and that, although the presses themselves appeared to be quite safe and sound, still all our muniments therein were burnt into one mass, and utterly destroyed by the intense heat of the fire, just as though they had been in a furnace red hot or an oven at a white heat. Our charters of extreme beauty, written in capital letters, adorned with golden crosses and paintings of the greatest beauty, and formed of materials of matchless value, which had been there deposited, were all destroyed. The privileges also, granted by the kings of the Mercians, documents of extreme antiquity, and of the greatest value, which were likewise most exquisitely adorned with pictures in gold, but written in Saxon characters, were all burnt. The whole of these muniments of ours, both great and small, nearly four hundred in number, were in one moment of a night, which proved to us of blackest hue, by a most shocking misfortune, lost and utterly destroyed (p. 200).

A few years before, however, I had of my own accord, taken from our muniment room several charters written in Saxon characters, and as we had duplicates of them, and in some instances triplicates, I had put them in the hands of our chauntor, the lord Fulmar, to be kept in the cloisters, in order to instruct the juniors in a knowledge of the Saxon characters; as this kind of writing had for a long time, on account of the Normans, been utterly neglected, and was now understood by only a few of the more aged men.... These charters having been deposited in an ancient press, which was kept in the cloisters, and surrounded on every side by the wall of the church, were the only ones that were saved and preserved from the fire.... (p. 201).

The whole of our library also perished, which contained more than three hundred volumes of original works, besides smaller volumes more than four hundred in number. We also lost at the same time an astronomical table of extreme beauty and costliness, wonderfully formed of all kinds of metal, according to the various natures of the stars and constellations. Saturn was made of copper, Jupiter of gold, Mars of iron, the Sun of latten, Mercury of bronze, Venus of tin, and the Moon of silver.... Throughout all England there was not such another Nadir known or heard of. The king of France had formerly presented it ... to the library of the convent, both as an ornament and for the instruction of the younger brethren, and now it was consumed by the voracious flames and so annihilated.

The whole of our Chapter house was burnt. Our Dormitory ... our Infirmary ... our Refectory ... the kitchens also adjoining, and the hall and chamber of the lay brethren, with all the contents thereof, were consumed by the fire. Our cellar also, as well as the very casks filled with beer were destroyed. The abbot’s hall, too, and his chamber together with the entire courtyard of the monastery....

A few cottages of the poor corodiers,[22] the stalls of our beasts of burden, with the sheds for the other cattle, that stood at a considerable distance, and were covered with stone, were the only things that remained unconsumed. Besides the northern transept of the church, from which the wind drove onwards with most impetuous force towards the south, all the buildings of the monastery, and especially those covered with lead, whether formed of wood or of stone, our charters and jewels, books and utensils, bells and belfries, vestments and provisions, were in a moment of time lost and consumed, myself, to my most bitter sorrow, being then the head of the convent....

The news of our dreadful misfortune being speedily spread ... numbers of our neighbours ... had compassion.... Remigius, bishop of Lincoln, graciously granted an indulgence of forty days to all who should do us any service.... He also gave us forty marks in money.... Lincoln sent us one hundred marks. Richard de Rulos ... a most loving friend, gave us ten quarters of wheat, ten quarters of malt, ten quarters of peas, ten quarters of beans, and ten pounds in silver.

Haco of Multon also, at the same time gave us twelve quarters of wheat, and twenty fat bacon hogs.... Elsin of Pyncebek also gave one hundred shillings in silver, and ten bacon hogs. Ardnot of Spalding likewise gave us six quarters of corn, two carcases of oxen, and twelve bacon hogs. Many others also presented us with various gifts.... Nor should among so many of our benefactors, the holy memory of Juliana, a poor old woman of Weston, be consigned to oblivion, who, “of her want” did give unto us “all her living,” namely, a great quantity of spun thread, for the purpose of sewing the vestments of the brethren of our monastery (p. 203.)

LIFE OF AN ABBOTT. ELEVENTH CENTURY

Now I, Ingulf, the humble servant of St. Guthlac and his monastery of Croyland, a native of England and the son of parents who were of the most beauteous city of London, being in my tender years destined for the pursuits of literature, was sent to study first at Westminster and afterwards at Oxford. After I had made progress beyond most of my fellows in mastering Aristotle, I clothed myself down to the heels with the first and second Rhetoric of Tully. On growing to be a young man, I loathed the narrow means of my parents and daily longed ... to leave my parental home, sighing for the palaces of kings or princes.... Just at this time, William, ... who was then as yet duke of Normandy only came over with a great retinue of followers to London.... Enrolling myself in the number of these, I exerted myself in the performance of all kinds of weighty business ... and becoming a very great favourite with him, returned with him to Normandy (p. 147).

Being there appointed his secretary, at my own will I ruled the whole of the duke’s court, incurring thereby the envy of some.... Just then it was noised about ... that many archbishops of the Empire, together with some other of the princes of the land, were desirous ... to proceed on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.

Upon this several of the household of the duke, both knights as well as clerks, among whom I was the first and foremost, with the ... goodwill of our master, the duke ... taking the road for Germany, being more than thirty horsemen in number ... joined his lordship of Mentz[23].... In company with their lordships, the bishops, there were reckoned seven thousand persons, who prosperously traversed various regions, and at last arrived at Constantinople. Here, addressing our prayers to its emperor, Alexius[24], we saw the Saint Sophia, and kissed its sanctuaries, so infinite in number.

Departing thence and taking our way through Lycia, we fell into the hands of Arabian robbers, and being plundered of an immense amount of money, and many of us being put to death, only escaped with the greatest difficulty and at the extreme peril of our lives, and at length joyously made our entrance into the much longed for city of Jerusalem.

We were received by Sophronius, the then Patriarch, a man venerable for his grey hairs, and most holy and most upright, with a great crash of cymbals and an immense blaze of torches at the most divine church of the most Holy Sepulchre, a solemn procession being formed of Latins as well as Syrians. What prayers we here uttered, what tears we shed, what sighs we heaved, the inhabitant thereof, our Lord Jesus Christ alone knoweth ... (p. 148).

But some robbers of Arabs, who kept a watch upon all the road, would not allow us ... to wander any distance from the city. Accordingly, on the arrival of spring, a fleet of Genoese ships arrived in the port of Joppa. On board of these we all embarked, after the Christian merchants had exchanged their wares throughout the maritime cities ... and so committed ourselves to the sea. After being tossed by waves and storms innumerable we arrived at last at Brundusium, and then making a prosperous journey through Apulia, repaired to Rome.... Then the archbishops and other princes of the Empire returned to Germany, taking the way to the right, while we turned to the left on our way to France, taking leave of each other, with kind words and kisses of inexpressible fervency on both sides. And thus at last, instead of our number of thirty horsemen, who took our departure from Normandy in excellent condition, hardly twenty returned, poor pilgrims and all on foot, attenuated and famished in the extreme.... In order that I might not in future be involved in the vanities of this world ... I took refuge in the holy convent of Fontenelle.... At length, after not a few years ... the lord abbot, Gerbert ... appointed me prior of his monastery, bound as I was, by the ties of duty, to obey (p. 149).

At this time, my lord William ... was long waiting at the port of St. Valery for a favourable wind, it being his intention to cross over, in order to assert his rights. Thither I then repaired with the subsidy offered by my lord the abbot, and ... presented twelve chosen youths, on horses and supplied with arms, together with a hundred marks for their expenses, as his contribution, on behalf of my father the abbot. Being most abundantly thanked for so welcome a present, and having obtained (the duke’s) charter of donation for ever to our house of ... vineyards, ... overjoyed and exulting, I returned to our monastery....

In the course of some years ... king William, sending a messenger ... to Gerbert ... to enquire for my humble self ... placed me, with mingled feelings, of extreme sorrow at assuming such a heavy burden of responsibility, and of extreme delight at seeing myself transferred to my native soil ... in the church of Croyland.... I was installed there in the year of our Lord, 1076 (p. 150).

I found in this monastery [of Croyland] of which, by the will of God I am a servant, sixty-two monks, of whom four were lay brethren, besides monks of other monasteries, who were making profession of the monastic life there, together with those of our chapter. All these when they came, had stalls in our choir, seats in our refectory, and beds in our dormitory. These, too, exceeded one hundred in number, and just when they pleased, some after the expiration of half a year, and some after a whole year, they returned to their own monasteries; and this, more especially in time of war ... so did they flock from every quarter to Croyland (p. 152).

EXPLORATIONS

The Voyage of Johannes de Plano Carpini into the North East parts of the World, in the year of our Lord, 1246.

(Hakluyt Soc., Carpini and Rubruquis, Beasley, p. 107)

Chapter II

About this time also, Pope Innocent the Fourth sent Friar Ascelline, being one of the order of the Praedicants, together with three other Friars ... with letters apostolical unto the Tartars camp: wherein he exhorted them to give over their bloody slaughter of mankind, and to receive the Christian faith.... And at that very time also, there was a certain other Friar Minorite, namely Friar John de Plano Carpini, sent with certain associates unto the Tartars, who likewise (as himself witnesses) abode and conversed with them a year and three months at the least.

Chapter IV

The Mongols or Tartars, in outward shape, are unlike to all other people. For they are broader between the eyes, and the balls of their cheeks, than men of other nations be. They have flat and small noses, little eyes, and eyelids standing straight upright, they are shaven on the crown like priests.... Their habitations be round and cunningly made with wickers and staves in manner of a tent. But in the midst of the tops thereof, they have a window open to convey the light in and the smoke out. For their fire is always in the midst. Their walls be covered with felt. Their doors are made of felt also. Some of these Tabernacles may quickly be taken asunder and set together again, and are carried upon beasts’ backs. Other some cannot be taken in sunder, but are stowed upon carts.

... They are very rich in cattle, as in camels, oxen, sheep and goats. And I think they have more horses and mares than all the world besides. But they have no kine nor other beasts. Their Emperors, Dukes, and other of their nobles do abound with silk, gold, silver and precious stones. Their victuals are all things that may be eaten.... They drink milk in great quantity, but especially mare’s milk if they have it: they seathe milk also in water, making it so thin that they may drink thereof. Everyone of them drinks off a cup full or two in a morning, and sometime they eat nought else all the day long. But in the evening each man hath a little flesh given him to eat, and they drink the broth thereof. Howbeit in summer time, when they have mare’s milk enough, they seldom eat flesh, unless perhaps it be given them, or they take some beast or bird in hunting (p. 109).

Chapter IX

But the Mongols ... prepared themselves to battle against the Kythayans [men of Cathay or China].... This is the first time, when the Emperor of the Kythayans being vanquished, Chinghiz Cham [Khan] obtained the Empire. But some part of the country, because it lieth within the sea, they could by no means conquer unto this day. The men of Kythay are pagans, having a special kind of writing by themselves, and (as it is reported) the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament ... and they worship One God. They adore and reverence Christ Jesus Our Lord, and believe the article of eternal life, but are not baptized. They do also honourably esteem and reverence our Scriptures. They love Christians and bestow much alms, and are a very courteous and gentle people. They have no beards and they agree partly with the Mongols in the disposition of their countenance. In all occupations which men practise there are not better artificers in the whole world. Their country is exceeding rich in corn, wine, golde, silke, and other commodities (p. 115).

RUBRUQUIS’ ACCOUNT OF A JOURNEY FROM CONSTANTINOPLE INTO THE CRIMEA: AND OF THE NOMAD TARTARS AND CHINESE

The Journal of Friar William de Rubruquis, A.D. 1253-5. (Hakluyt Society. Carpini and Rubruquis. Beazley).

Chapter I

Then they put us to our choice whether we would have carts and oxen, or pack horses to transport our carriages [i.e., luggage]. And the merchants of Constantinople advised me not to take carts of the citizens of Soldaia [Sudak, a Crimean port] but to buy covered carts of mine own (such as the Russians carry their skins in) and to put all our carriages, which I would daily take out, into them: because if I should use horses, I must be constrained at every bait to take down my carriages, and to lift them up again upon sundry horses’ backs and besides that, I should ride a more gentle pace by the oxen drawing the carts. Wherefore, contenting myself with their evil counsel, I was travelling into Sartach two months which I could have done in one, if I had gone by horse. I brought with me from Constantinople (being by the merchants advised so to do) pleasant fruits, muscadel wine, and delicate bisket bread to present unto the governours of Soldaia, to the end I might obtain free passage: because they look favourably upon no man which commeth with an empty hand....

We took our journey therefore about the kalends of June, with four covered carts of our own and with two other which we borrowed of them, wherein we carried our bedding to rest upon in the night, and they allowed us five horses to ride upon. For there were just five persons in our company; namely, I myself, and my associate, friar Bartholomew of Cremona, and Goset the bearer of these presents, the man of God Turgemannus, and Nicholas my servant, whom I bought at Constantinople with some part of the alms bestowed upon me. Moreover they allowed us two men, which drave our carts and gave attendance unto our oxen and horses. There are forty castles between Korsova and Soldaia every one of which have their proper languages: amongst whom there were many Goths, who spake the Dutch tongue ... they repair thither out of all Russia for salt.... The third day after we were departed out of Soldaia, we found the Tartars. Among whom being entered, methought I was come into a new world.

Chapter II

They have in no place any settled city to abide in.... For in the winter they descend into the warm regions southward. And in the summer they ascend into the cold regions northward. In winter when snow lieth upon the ground, they feed their cattle upon pastures without water, because then they use snow instead of water. Their houses wherein they sleep they ground upon a round foundation of wickers artificially wrought and compacted together: the roof whereof consisteth in like [sort] of wickers, meeting above into one little roundell out of which roundell ascendeth upward a neck like unto a chimney, which they cover with white felt.... The said felt on the neck of their house they do garnish over with beautiful variety of pictures.... For they spend all their coloured felt in painting vines, trees, birds and beasts thereupon. The said houses they make so large that they contain thirty foot in breadth. For measuring once the wheel ruts of one of their carts, I found it to be 20 feet over; and when the house was upon the cart, it stretched over the wheels on each side five feet at the least. I told 22 oxen in one team, drawing a house upon a cart, eleven in one order according to the breadth of the cart, and eleven more before them: the axletree of the cart was of a huge bigness like unto the mast of a ship. And a fellow stood in the door of the house, upon the forestall of the cart, driving forth the oxen.... When they take down their dwelling houses they turn always the door towards the south. One woman will guide 20 or 30 carts at once, for their countries are very plain and they bind the carts with camels or oxen one behind another. And there sits a wench in the foremost cart driving the oxen, and all the rest follow on a like pace. When they chance to come at any bad passage they let them loose, and guide them over one by one: for they go a slow pace, as fast as a lamb or an ox can walk....

Chapter XXIII

Some days we had change of horses twice or thrice in a day. Sometimes we travelled two or three days together, not finding any people, and then we were constrained not to ride so fast. Of twenty or thirty horses we had always the worst, because we were strangers. For everyone took their choice of the best horses before us. They provided me always of a strong horse, because I was very corpulent and heavy: but whether he ambled a gentle pace or no, I durst not make any question. Neither yet durst I complain, although he trotted full sore. But everyone must be contented with his lot as it fell.

Chapter XXIV

Of hunger and thirst, cold and weariness there was no end. For they gave us no victuals but only in the evening. In the morning they used to give us a little drink, or some sodden millet to sup off. In the evening they bestowed flesh upon us ... and every man had a measured quantity of broth to drink.... In the beginning our guide highly disdained us, and it was tedious unto him to conduct such base fellows. Afterward, when he began to know us somewhat better he directed us on our way by the courts of rich Moals [? Moghuls], and we were requested to pray for them. Wherefore had I carried a good interpreter with me, I should have had opportunity to have done much good.... And they marvelled exceedingly that we would receive neither gold, nor silver, nor precious and costly garments at their hand....

Chapter XXVII

They begin to write at the top of their paper drawing their lines right down: and so they read and multiply their lines from the left hand to the right.... They burn their dead, according to the ancient custom, and lay up the ashes on the top of a Pyramid....

Chapter XXVIII (p. 234)

Beyond Muc is Great Cathaya, the inhabitants whereof (as I suppose) were of old time called Seres. For from them are brought most excellent stuffs of silk. And this people is called Seres of a certain town in the same country. I was credibly informed that, in the said country, there is one town having walls of silver, and bulwarks or towers of gold. There be many provinces in that land, the greater part whereof are not as yet subdued unto the Tartars.

MARCO POLO

(The Book of Ser Marco Polo, the Venetian, Col. H. Yule. Edn. 1875)

Rusticiano’s address (p. 1)

Great Princes, Emperors, and Kings, Dukes and Marquises, Counts, Knights and Burgesses and people of all degrees who desire to get knowledge of the various races of mankind, and of the diversities of the sundry regions of the World, take this book and cause it to be read to you....

For let me tell you that since our Lord God did mould with his hands our first father, Adam, even until this day, never hath there been Christian or Pagan, or Tartar or Indian or any man of any nation, who in his own person hath had so much knowledge and experience of the divers parts of the World and its Wonders as hath this Messer Marco....

and I may tell you that in acquiring this knowledge he spent in those various parts of the world good six and twenty years. Now being thereafter an inmate of the Prison at Genoa, he caused Messer Rusticiano of Pisa, who was in the said Prison likewise to reduce the whole to writing; and this befell in the year 1298 from the birth of Jesus.

His Summary

It came to pass in the year of Christ 1260 ... that Messer Nicolas Polo, the father of my lord Mark, and Messer Maffeo Polo, the brother of Messer Nicolas, were at the city of Constantinople, whither they had gone from Venice with their merchant’s wares. Now these two ... took counsel together to cross the Greater Sea (Black Sea) on a venture of trade; so they laid in a store of jewels and set forth from Constantinople, crossing the sea to Soldaia ... and travelled till they came to the court of a certain Tartar Prince ... whose residences were at Sara and at Bolgara [Sarai and Bolghar] and by reason of ... war no one could travel ... on the road by which the Brothers had come ... so the Brothers, finding that they could not retrace their steps, determined to go forward ... and passing the River Tigris they travelled across a desert which extended for 17 days journey and wherein they found neither town nor village, falling in only with the tents of Tartars occupied with their cattle at pasture (p. 9).... They arrived at a very great and noble city called Bocara [Bokhara]. The city is the best in all Persia ... there came Envoys on their way to the court of the Great Khan.... “In truth,” said the Envoys, “the Great Khan hath never seen any Latins, and he hath a great desire so to do. Wherefore if ye will keep us company to his court, ye may depend upon it that he will be right glad to see you and will treat you with great honour and liberality; whilst in our company ye shall travel with perfect security, and need fear to be molested by nobody!” So they set out and journeyed for a whole year, going northward and north-eastward.... When the two brothers got to the Great Khan at Karakoram, he received them with great honour ... asking them a great number of questions. [They return with a message from him to the Pope, and young Marco, aged 15, accompanies them back to China, learns 4 eastern languages, and is employed on embassies by the great Kublai Khan for 17 years. They are then sent by sea via Java and Trebizond to the Levant].

Account of Kublai Khan

He is of a good stature, neither tall nor short, but of a middle height. He has a becoming amount of flesh, and is very shapely in all his limbs. His complexion is white and red, the eyes black and fine, the nose well formed and well set on (p. 318).

I shall tell you of the great and wonderful magnificence of the Great Khan now reigning, by name Kublay Khan; Khan being a title which signifieth “The Great Lord of Lords” or Emperor. Now this Kublai Khan is of the right Imperial lineage, being descended from Chinghiz Khan, the first sovereign of all the Tartars ... (p. 324). He came to the throne in the year of Christ 1256 ... up to the year of Christ now running, to wit 1298, he hath reigned two and forty years, and his age is about 85.... The Great Khan resides in the capital city of Cathay, which is called Cambaluc. (Khan baligh, Khan’s city). In that city stands his great Palace ... it is enclosed all round by a great wall forming a square, each side of which is a mile in length.

This you may depend on, it is also very thick, and a good ten paces in height, whitewashed and loopholed all round. At each angle of the wall there is a very fine and rich palace in which the war-harness of the Emperor is kept, such as bows and quivers, saddles and bridles, and bowstrings and everything needful for an army. The great wall has five gates on its southern face ... inside of this wall there is a second. You must know that is the greatest Palace that ever was ... hath no upper storey, but is all on the ground floor ... the roof is very lofty, and the walls of the Palace are all with gold and silver. They are also adorned with representations of dragons, beasts and birds, knights and idols, and sundry other subjects. And on the ceiling too you can see nothing but gold and silver and paintings. The Hall of the Palace is so large that it could easily dine 6,000 people; and it is quite a marvel to see how many rooms there are besides.... The outside of the roof also is all coloured with vermilion and yellow and green and blue and other hues, which are fixed with a varnish so fine and exquisite that they shine like crystal ... seen for a great way round (pp. 324, 325).

CHAPTER IV

THIRTEENTH CENTURY LONDON

INTRODUCTORY NOTES

Mint and Coinage

Compare list of Saxon mints under Athelstane with this account of the King’s mint, in the eighteenth century. The history of coinage is illustrated by notes of clipping; repeated re-coinage; advice of merchants on coinage over-ridden, case of persecution, of laws for clipping, etc.

Compare also with fifteenth century extracts.

Aliens and King’s Income

Great importance of aliens in trade and industry is constantly appearing in London records. The king collects his customs by farming them out to the Lombards; he makes an income by weighing, granting charters, taking prisage, fines, etc.

(1269) The “hosting” of aliens, i.e. the rule that every alien must lodge with an English host who will be answerable for him, is practised. The special position of the Jews is well illustrated, nominally under protection of king and Mayor they are yet attacked by King and Pope as well as people.

City Government

Strife is continual between the citizens and the royal officers for control of the city. Its freedom dated from Henry I’s charter of 1100 (cf. Stubbs, Select Charters). In 1249 the citizens claim to be peers of “the earls and barons of England.” The survival of the Saxon practice of witness on oath is evidenced in 1267 by the witness of “12 sworn men of the City” not swearing to fact but to ancient usage.

The titles and duties of the king’s officers are illustrated; the Treasurer, Constable, Warden, claiming dues for the King, Sheriffs of London and Middlesex, Barons of Exchequer and other wardens all holding by royal appointment. The persistence of the folkmote is evidenced in 1260, when the oath of loyalty is taken, as in the time of Richard I’s crusade. In 1267 a tax on movables is levied, first done in 1207. The intervention of the citizens between Barons and King in 1262 foreshadows their intervention in de Montfort’s Parliament of 1265 and that of Edward I, 1295, indicates the influence of the new class of burghers made wealthy by the wool trade. The various activities of the City officers show the gradual organisation of ordered life in a commune of this date; further illustrated by the Mayor’s reliance on craft-gilds in 1262 against the “aldermen or chief citizens,” the officers of the Merchant Gild.

In connection with the Black Death it is noteworthy how frequent famines were in the earlier part of the fourteenth century and how food sales were regulated; the rules of the Court Leet in the sixteenth century would, no doubt, be in practice at this earlier period in some parts of England.

Battle of Sluys

A good instance of fourteenth century naval warfare, the French make no use of mobility but make conditions as near as possible to land fighting; the English, however, use advantage of wind and are already carrying heavier artillery than their opponents, an English naval characteristic later.

Fourteenth Century Prices

Lancaster was cousin to Edward II, and his rival for power; in 1314 he practically controlled the kingdom, but provoked the envy of Pembroke and was captured at Boroughbridge in 1322 and executed. This period of great royal princes rivalling the king, culminates in the usurpation of Henry IV and the Wars of the Roses. The extract gives a vivid picture of the various ranks in the household of such a lord. It may be used to compare values and prices in this century with those of the thirteenth century (see London Records) and with fifteenth century wages.

THE MINT

(Stow, Survey of London, Book I, p. 96)

The Mint is the Office and Place where the King’s Coin is made, be it Gold or Silver Which is at present, and for a long Time hath been kept, in the Tower of London.

OFFICERS [IN 1722]

(1) The Warden, who is the Chief: and by his Office is to receive the Silver from the Goldsmiths, and to pay them for it....

(2) The Master Worker, who receiveth the Silver from the Warden, causeth it to be melted; and delivers it to the Moniers, and takes it from them again when it is made.

(4) The Master of the Assay, who weigheth the Silver, and seeth whether it be according to the Standard.

(6) The Surveyor of the Melting; who is to see the Silver cast out.

(7) The Clerk of the Irons; who seeth that the Irons be clean and fit to work with.

(8) The Engraver, which graveth the Stamps for the Money.

(9) The Smiter of Irons, who after they are graven, smiteth them upon the Money.

(10) The Melters, that melt the Bullion before it comes to the Coining.

(11) The Blanchers who do anneal, boil and cleanse the Money.

(14) The Moniers, who are some to sheer the Money, some to forge it; some to beat it broad, some to round it and some to stamp or coin it.

COINAGE

A.D. 1247

(Chronicles of Old London, Edited by H. T. Riley)

In the same year, Michael Tovy was again made Mayor, and by precept of his lordship the King it was published that if any clipped penny or halfpenny should be found offered for the purchase of anything, the same should immediately be perforated. At this time, the money was entirely made anew, that is to say, immediately after the Feast of All Saints [November 1.]

A.D. 1257

In this year, the King issued a new coinage, of golden pennies, each of two sterlings [i.e., silver pennies] in weight, and of the purest gold; and it was his will that such gold coin should pass current in value for twenty sterlings.

This year, on the Sunday next after the Feast of All Saints the Mayor and citizens appearing before his lordship the King at the Exchequer in obedience to his precept, he put them to the question, conjuring them by the fealty in which they were bound to him, that they would certify him, according to their consciences, whether the aforesaid coinage would be beneficial and for the common weal of his kingdom, or not. Accordingly, holding counsel and conference thereon among themselves, they appeared before the King and said, that through that coinage the greatest detriment might accrue to his realm, and more especially to the poor of his realm, the chattels of very many of whom are not worth in value a single gold coin. And further they said that through that coinage gold would be held of much lower value, when that money should come to be dispersed in so many hands; a thing that was already evident, seeing that sheet gold, which always used to be worth ten marks, was then worth nine marks only, or even eight (p. oz.). Whereupon after they had set forth many reasons why that coinage would prove otherwise than beneficial, his lordship, the King replied: “It is my will that this coinage shall pass current, the penny for twenty sterlings, but that no one shall be compelled to take it; and whosoever shall take it, shall be at liberty to exchange it wherever he may please, without hindrance therein; and if he shall think proper, he may come to our Exchange, and shall have for every such golden penny nineteen pence and one halfpenny.”

A.D. 1278

In this year the exchange was made at the Tower of London, of the new money, sterling, halfpenny and farthing, and Gregory de Rokesle, Master of the Exchange throughout all England.

A.D. 1300

... On the day of St. Stephen (Dec. 28), at the beginning of the eight and twentieth year [of Edward I], the crocards and pollards were proclaimed. (i.e., the crooked or polled, i.e. clipped coins of inferior value. They generally passed for one penny, but by proclamation their value was fixed at one halfpenny.) They were cried down throughout England and continued current only until the Vigil of Easter Day next ensuing: upon which Vigil it was forbidden that they should pass current. This money came from Flanders and was current in England throughout the land for six years, to the great damage of all the realm.

ALIENS

A.D. 1268

... His lordship the King ... had granted unto Sir Edward his son, to take custom of all things coming by sea into England and from England going forth, and such custom had been leased unto certain Italians upon yearly payment to Sir Edward of a farm of six thousand marks; the said Italians exacted the same custom of the citizens of London, and took sureties of them, in contravention of their franchises.

Wherefore the citizens went to Sir Edward, and begged of him that he would not allow such a yoke of servitude to be imposed upon them, in contravention of the franchises by the Charters of his lordship the King, his father, and of his predecessors, Kings of England, unto them granted: whereupon Sir Edward, at their entreaty, granted unto them acquittance of the custom aforesaid, giving them his letters patent thereon. The citizens, however, made court to him, giving him 200 marks.

A.D. 1269

... according to the custom of the City, all merchant strangers coming into London, were wont to be harboured, together with their merchandize, in hostels belonging to the citizens; and their wares, which are sold by the hundredweight, such as wax, alum and the like, to be weighed by the balance of his lordship the King. Other wares again, which are valued by the pound, such as pepper, ginger, brasil (i.e., a kind of wood for making red dye), grains, and the like, used to be weighed by various balances at the hosts’ places, or else by the basket of them, the buyer having upon every hundredweight four pounds for the draught; the commodity being weighed with the pin standing midway, the same as gold and silver are weighed. Afterwards the Italians, the people of Quercy, and the merchants of Provence (who at first however were but few in number), coming to the City with their merchandize, transacted business in a similar manner; but in process of time, when a great number of merchants from the parts aforesaid, who were extremely rich, had brought into the City a very great quantity of merchandize, in order that the amount of such wares might remain unknown to the citizens, they declined to be harboured in the hostels of the citizens, but built houses in the City, and abode therein by themselves, housing there their goods. And then too, weighing by balances of their own, they sold their wares contrary to the custom of the City; and even went so far as themselves to weigh by their own balances certain articles which were sold by the hundredweight, and which ought to be weighed by the King’s balance; to the prejudice of his lordship the King, and to the loss and subtraction of his pesage [duty for weighing]; and this they did for many years.

Afterwards, when his lordship the King gave unto the citizens a new Charter as to their liberties, in which it is set forth that no merchant stranger shall buy or sell any wares that ought to be weighed or troned, except by the beam and tron of his lordship the King, under forfeiture of the whole of such wares—and this, too, had been proclaimed throughout all the City—these merchants, nevertheless, continued to weigh as they had previously done. But when the King and his Council were given to understand this, his bailiffs, in accordance with his command, took all the balances and weights of the said merchants, and upon good sureties, attached the persons themselves. Afterwards, in this year, ... the King summoned the said merchants to appear before himself and his Council at Westminster; and because they were convicted ... and because their balances and weights, when examined in the King’s Exchange, were found, it is said, to be untrue, they were adjudged to be amerced and committed to prison; immediately upon which, being about twenty in number, they were taken to the Tower and there imprisoned.

On the morrow, too, their balances and weights were burnt in Westchepe; and such parts thereof as could not be consumed by fire, were broken to pieces with iron hammers, and wholly destroyed....

Then the said merchants made fine to the King in the sum of one thousand pounds sterling; and this under compulsion, as it were, they being in dread of being thrust into a most noisome prison.

A.D. 1270

... in this year, about Easter last past, it was provided by the common Council of his lordship the King, that cloths coming into England from the parts beyond sea should contain at least 26 ells in length, and an ell and a half in breadth, under forfeiture of the whole piece of cloth. And at the same time, orders were given to the merchants that, after the Fair of St. Botolph then next coming, they should not bring any cloths into England, under the penalty aforesaid, unless they should be of the said length and breadth, burels [coarse cloths] of Normandy excepted.

RIGHTS OF THE CITIZENS OF LONDON

A.D. 1246

In this year, the citizens of London took Queen Hithe, they paying a yearly rent of fifty pounds to Earl Richard, and sixty shillings to the Sick of St. Giles’s without London.

In this year, the Prior and Canons of St. Bartholomew’s, ... set up a new tron, on the vigil of St. Bartholomew, refusing to allow anyone to weigh except with that tron; and this, in contravention of the liberties and customs of the City. Wherefore the principal men of the City, together with their Mayor, Peter Fitz-Alan and a multitude of the citizens, on the morrow went to the Priory of St. Bartholomew, and advised the Prior and Canons of that place to make amends for that act of presumption, and to desist therefrom; whereupon they forthwith gave up the practice, and by the Mayor and Sheriffs of London it was published that every man was to sell, buy and weigh in that market, just as they previously had been wont to do.

JURISDICTION DISPUTED

1247

In the same year ... a Justiciar sent by his lordship the King, came to St. Martin’s le Grand, to hear the record which had been given upon the plaint of Margery Vyel, ... in the previous year ...; as to which judgment the said Margery had made complaint to his lordship the King, and had found pledges to prove that the same was false.

Whereupon, the Mayor and citizens meeting there, the record having been read through, and all the writs of his lordship the King which the said Margery had obtained, having been read and heard, the Justiciar said: “I do not say that this judgment is false, but the process therein is faulty, as there is no mention made in this record of summons of the opponents of the said Margery, and, seeing that John Vyel, her husband, made a will, it did not pertain to your Court to determine such a plea as this.” To which the citizens made answer: “There was no necessity to summon those who had possession of the property of the deceased, for they were always ready, and proffered to stand trial at suit of the said Margery in our Court; and besides, we were fully able to entertain such plea by assent of the two parties, who did not at all claim or demand the Ecclesiastical Court, and seeing that his lordship the King by his writ commanded us to determine the same.”

At length, after much altercation ... the Justiciar said that they must shew all this to the King and his Council, and so they withdrew. Afterwards, however, and solely for this cause, his lordship the King took the City into his hand, and by his writ entrusted it to the custody of William de Haverille and Edward de Westminster, namely, on the Vigil of St. Bartholomew (24 August); whereupon, the Mayor and citizens went to the King at Wudestok, and shewed him that they had done no wrong; but they could not regain his favour....

Afterwards, on the Sunday before the Nativity of St. Mary (8 September), the Mayor and Sheriffs, by leave of the King, received the City into their hands, and a day was given them to make answer as to the aforesaid judgment before the King and his Barons.

A.D. 1248

In this year, the citizens of London, at the request of his lordship the King, not compelled, yet as though compelled, took their wares to the Fair of Westminster, on Saint Edward’s Day, and also the citizens of many cities of England, by precept of his lordship the King, repaired thither with their wares; all of whom made a stay at that fair of full fifteen days, all the shops and selds [large sheds] of the merchants of London being closed in the meantime.

And on the morrow of St. Edward, the Mayor and citizens appeared at Westminster, to make answer as to the judgment before mentioned ... his lordship the King requested them to permit the Abbot of Westminster to enjoy the franchises which the King had granted him in Middlesex, in exchange for other liberties which the citizens might of right demand. To which the citizens made answer, that they could do nothing as to such matter without the consent of the whole community. The King, however, on learning this, as though moved to anger, made them appear before him, and after much altercation had passed as to the said judgment ... counsel being at last held before his lordship the King between the Bishops and Barons, the Mayor and citizens were acquitted and took their departure.

A.D. 1249

In the same year, ... the citizens recovered before the King, two kinds of franchise, of which for many years they had been deprived, for the King granted that the Jews, who before had been held to warranty by writ of the Exchequer, should plead in future before the citizens as to their tenements in London. He also granted that the Chirographers of the Chest of the Jews [keepers of the bonds] should be tallaged like other citizens.

In this year, on Sunday in Midlent, nearly all the men, as well as women, of London having met together, in accordance with the precept of his lordship the King in the Great Hall at Westminster, his lordship the King assumed the Cross with the view of setting out in aid of the Holy Land. It is also to be noted, that after his lordship the King had repeatedly requested the citizens to grant to the Abbot of Westminster the franchises which we have already mentioned in this record, in this year, on the Wednesday, namely, in the week of Pentecost, there was a day of love appointed at the demand of his lordship the King, between the citizens and the Abbot; upon which day, the Mayor, and a countless multitude of the citizens with him, came to the New Temple, where the Abbot was, there being also present, William de Haverhill, the Treasurer, Henry de Ba, Roger de Turkelby, John de Gatesdene, Justiciars, and others who had been sent thither by the King. Upon these desiring to hold a conference with the Mayor and Aldermen, the whole of the populace opposed it, and would not allow them, without the whole of the commons being present, to treat at all of the matter; all of them exclaiming with one voice that in no point would they recede from their wonted franchises, which, by Charters of his lordship the King and his predecessors, they possessed.

Upon this, a day was given them by the Justiciars to appear before his lordship the King at Wyndlesore, the Tuesday following, namely; and solely for this reason the King took the City into his hands, and delivered it to William the Treasurer, and to Peter Blund, the Constable of the Tower, all the clerks and serjeants of the Sheriffwick paying obedience to them. On the day appointed, the Mayor and citizens appeared at Wyndlesore; when the King, wishing to harass them, compelled them, through his Justiciars, to shew cause why they had gainsaid the Charter which he had granted to the Abbot of Westminster.

The citizens however made answer, that they had had no day named for pleading there against the Abbot of Westminster, and that out of the City of London they were not bound to plead; and that if they had been bound to plead thereon, they ought not to receive any judgment as to the same in the absence of their peers, the Earls, namely Barons of England....

After this, consultations being held between the King and his Council, the City was restored to the citizens, and day was given them until the Translation of St. Edward (13 October).

A.D. 1250

... it was enacted by the citizens, that the Wardens of the Bridge, from that day forward, should have, take or claim nothing from the ships or property of citizens passing through the middle of the Bridge [drawbridge]; whereas before they had been wont to take twelve pence for every ship belonging to a citizen, the same as foreigners.

A.D. 1253

In this year, it was enacted by the community, that no one of the franchise of the City should in future pay scavage [due paid for right to display] for his beasts sold on the field of Smethefield, as before they had been wont. In this year, about the season of Lent, the Sheriffs of Middlesex, by precept of his lordship the King, caused all wears to be destroyed that stood in the Thames towards the west; and at this time many nets which were injurious, were burnt in Westchep. Afterwards and before Pentecost, the Sheriffs of London, seeing that the water of Thames pertains to London, by precept of his lordship the King destroyed all the other wears from London to the sea.

A.D. 1254

In this year Ralph Hardel was elected Mayor of London.... And immediately after this, the Barons (of the Exchequer) shewed a writ of his lordship the King, by which precept was given unto them that they should take the City into the King’s hands, for non-observance in the City of the assize of bread and ale. And although the citizens ought not to be molested for such a default as this, but only the Sheriffs, if convicted thereof; still the City was taken into the King’s hands, and delivered into the custody of John de Gyseorz, the said John being sworn before the Barons; after which the clerks and all the serjeants of the Sheriffs, as also the Wardens of the Gates, the Thames and the Gaol, were there sworn. And all this had been discussed in the Parliament aforesaid, because the citizens, being divided among themselves, would not appear there before Earl Richard, as they had promised him, to put an end to a matter on which they had frequently entreated him before, namely, the Exchange.

Afterwards the citizens waited upon the Earl to entreat his favour; whereupon he named to them a day at London, saying that he would do nothing therein without counsel of the King, to whom a moiety of the issues of the Exchange belonged. After this, on the third day after the Feast of St. Edmund the Archbishop, the citizens of Westminster made fine to the said Earl before the Council of his lordship the King, in a sum of 600 marks; whereupon all claims were remitted on account of the Exchange, and the Mayor and Sheriffs were restored to their bailiwicks.

(King Henry attempts to make the City answerable for a felon escaped from Newgate).

To this the citizens made answer, that the custody of the Gaol does not belong to them, but to the Sheriffs only. Whereupon answer was made to them by the King, that as they make the Sheriffs, they themselves ought to be answerable for them. To this the citizens said, that they do not make the Sheriffs, but only have to choose them, and present them to the Barons of his lordship the King; and that such Sheriffs can do nothing in respect of their office, before they have been admitted at the Exchequer; that in no point ought they to be answerable for the Sheriffs, save only as to the ferm due from the Sheriffwick, and only then, when the Sheriffs themselves are not of sufficient means to pay the ferm.

EFFECTS OF BARONS’ WAR UPON THE CITY

A.D. 1260

The same year ... the King came to London, and afterwards, on the Sunday before the Feast of St. Valentine, had the Folkmote summoned at St. Paul’s Cross; whither he himself came.... The King also commanded that all persons of the age of twelve years and upwards should make oath before their Alderman, in every Ward, that they would be faithful unto him, so long as he should live, and after his death, to his heir; which was accordingly done. Then all the Gates of the City were shut, night and day, by the King’s command, the Bridge Gate and the Gates of Ludgate and Aldgate excepted, which were open by day and well fortified with armed men.

A.D. 1262

In this year before Pentecost, the Barons who had given their assent to the observance of the Ordinances and Statutes made at Oxford, sent a certain letter to his lordship the King ... after this they sent a letter to the citizens of London ... whether they would observe the said Ordinances.... Upon receiving the message the citizens shewed the same to his lordship the King ... and they further said that all the community was willing to observe those Statutes which were to the honour of God, in fealty to the King, and to the advantage of the realm ... and further that it was their wish that no knights, serjeants, aliens by birth, should be allowed to sojourn in the City; for that it was through them that all the dissensions had arisen between the King and his Barons. After this, by the King’s command, certain of the citizens were sent to Dover with the King’s Council, to treat for peace with the Barons....

At this season, and indeed before, all aliens, both knights and serjeants, were dismissed from the City; who were afterwards placed by Sir Edward in garrison at Wyndleshore. And at this time also the citizens kept watch and ward, riding by night throughout the City with horse and arms; though among them a countless multitude of persons on foot obtruded themselves; some evil-minded among whom, under pretext of searching for aliens, broke open many houses belonging to other persons, and carried off such goods as were there to be found. To restrain the evil designs of these persons, the watches on horseback were therefore put an end to, and watch was kept by the respective Wards, each person keeping himself well armed within his own Ward.

Afterwards, on the Sunday before the Feast of St. Margaret (July 20) the Barons came to London, and on the morrow the King and Queen withdrew from the Tower to Westminster. At this time with the assent of his lordship the King, Hugh le Despencer was made by the Barons Justiciar of all England, and the Tower of London delivered into his charge.

A.D. 1262

Be it here remarked, that this Mayor (Thomas Fitzthomas) during the time of his mayoralty had so pampered the City populace, that, stiling themselves the “Commons of the City,” they had obtained the first voice in the City. For the Mayor, in doing all that he had to do, acted and determined through them, and would say to them, “Is it your will that so it shall be?” and then, if they answered “Ya, ya,” so it was done. And on the other hand, the Aldermen or chief citizens were little or not at all consulted on such matter; but were in fact just as though they had not existed. Through this, that same populace became so elated and so inflated with pride, that during the commotions in the realm ... they formed themselves into covins, and leagued themselves together by oath, by the hundred and by the thousand, under a sort of colour of keeping the peace, whereas they themselves were manifestly disturbers of the peace. For whereas the Barons were only fighting against those who wished to break the aforesaid Statutes, and seized the property of such, and that too by day, the others by night broke into the houses of the people of Quercy and of other persons in the City, who were not against the said Statutes, and by main force carried off the property found in such houses, besides doing many other unlawful acts as well. As to the Mayor, he censured these persons in but a lukewarm way.

Afterwards these same persons, like so many Justiciars Itinerant, wished to remove all purprestures [encroachments], new and old, observing no order of trial; and endeavoured to throw open lanes, which, by writ of his lordship the King and with the sanction of the Justiciars Itinerant, the community assenting thereto, had been stopped up and rented to certain persons; so much so, in fact, that some of them they opened, without judgment given, and in like manner did they remove certain purprestures, and some of them after dinner; and this they did, not only for the purpose of removing them, but for the opportunity of carrying off the timber and other things there to be found.

The Mayor too, had all the populace of the City summoned, telling them that the men of each craft must make such provisions as should be to their own advantage, and he himself would have the same proclaimed throughout the City and strictly observed.

Accordingly after this, from day to day, individuals of every craft of themselves made new statutes and provisions, or rather what might be stiled “abominations,” and that, solely for their own advantage, and to the intolerable loss of all merchants coming to London and visiting the fairs of England, and the exceeding injury of all persons in the realm.

AWARD OF THE KING OF FRANCE MADE BETWEEN THE KING AND THE BARONS

The Londoners, however, and the Barons of the Cinque Ports, and nearly all the middle class of people throughout the kingdom of England, who indeed had not joined in the reference to the king of France, wholly declined his award.

Wherefore, the Londoners appointed one of their number, Thomas de Piwelesdone by name, to be their Constable, and as Marshal, Stephen Buckerel, at whose summons, upon hearing the great bell of St. Paul’s, all the people were to sally forth, and not otherwise; being prepared as well by night as by day, well armed, to follow the standards of the said Constable and Marshal wheresoever they might think proper to lead them. After this, Hugh le Despencer, the Justiciar, who then had charge of the Tower, with a countless multitude of Londoners, went forth from the City, following the standards of the aforesaid Constable and Marshal, none of them knowing whither they were going, or what they were to do. Being led however as far as Ystleworthe, they there laid waste and ravaged with fire the manor of the King of Almaine,[25] and plundered all the property there found, and broke down and burned his mills and fish preserves, observing no truce, at the very time that the said Parliament [of Oxford, 1262] was in existence. And this was the beginning of woes, and the source of that deadly war, through which so many manors were committed to the flames, so many men, rich and poor, were plundered, and so many thousands of persons lost their lives.

At this time, the Barons and Londoners entered into a league written by instrument and by oath, all in fact of 12 years and upwards; to the effect that they would stand together against all men, saving however their fealty to their lord the King.

A.D. 1265

Be it remarked, that at the time when the City submitted itself unto the mercy of his lordship the King, many persons in the City who had spontaneously sided with the Earl of Leicester, took to flight; having committed depredations and many mischiefs within the City and without, and, in the time of the aforesaid Mayor, styling themselves the “Commons of the City,” having had the first voice there, the principal men being little consulted in reference thereto.

Be it remarked, that many of the common people, on the day that the aforesaid election took place, gainsayed the same, crying “Nay, nay”, and saying, “We will have no one for Mayor, save only Thomas Fitzthomas, and we desire that he be released from prison, as well as his companions, who are at Wyndleshores.” Such base exclamations did the fools of the vulgar classes give utterance to, on the previous Monday, in the same Guildhall. Wherefore his lordship the King, on hearing rumours to this effect, fearing an insurrection of the populace against the principal men of the City, who maintained their fealty towards him, sent to London Sir Roger de Leiburne; who on the Saturday next ensuing, came into the Guildhall with a great retinue of knights and serjeants, with arms beneath their clothes; whither a countless multitude of the City had already resorted, and that without summons. And the same Sir Roger gave orders, on behalf of his lordship the King, that all who were suspected should be seized and put in arrest, lest they might enter into some confederacy with the enemies of his lordship the King. Wherefore on the same day there were taken more than twenty persons, no one of the populace making any opposition thereto.

The same year, on the second of the Ides of July (12 August) at night the wife of Sir Edward was delivered of her firstborn son, at Wyndleshores, on hearing news of which, the citizens of London caused proclamation to be made in the City, that on the morrow the whole community should celebrate the same by doing no handicraft, for joyousness at the birth of the said child. Accordingly on that day all selds and shops being closed, all the men and women, clergy as well as lay, went on foot and horseback to Westminster, to give thanks unto God for the birth of the child, and to offer prayers for its safety. Also throughout the streets of the City there was dancing and singing of carols for joy, as is the usual yearly custom upon the Feast of St. John the Baptist (24 June). The name that was given to the child was John.

FOOD SUPPLIES AND REGULATIONS

ASSISE OF WINE: DISPUTED. A.D. 1256.

In the same year, Henry de Ba (Bath) Justiciar, came to the Guildhall of London, bringing to the Mayor and Sheriffs a writ from his lordship the King; who thereupon summoned before him all the vintners of the City. The Justiciar wishing to amerce all these for breach of the assise of wine, the citizens made answer, that the vintners who had broken the assise ought, and are wont, solely to be amerced at the Common Pleas of the Crown, and not before a Justiciar at the Tower. To whom the Justiciar made answer ... that this will not satisfy his lordship the King, for that it does not seem just or right that they may break the assise for seven years or more with impunity, and only once be amerced for so many offences.

To which reply was made, that his lordship the King is both wont to and may whenever he pleases, upon election by the citizens, appoint two wardens to keep that assise, in manner as heretofore; ... that the same wardens, too, when any one is convicted of breach of the assise, ought to sell the wine found in the tun, in reference to which the breach has been committed, and to produce the money at the Pleas of the Crown holden before the Justiciars, the transgressor nevertheless being there also amerced.

METHODS OF WEIGHING

A.D. 1256

It has usually been the custom, when wares which have to be sold by balance, are weighed, for the draught of the balance to incline on the wares side, the case of gold and silver excepted which are always weighed with the pin standing midway, and inclining neither towards the weight nor towards the gold or silver; and consequently that the weigher who weighs in the City by the balance of his lordship the King, is able, by reason of such draught, to give a greater weight to one person than to another, through favour, maybe, or through fear, or through a bribe passing between them, or perhaps inadvertence.

It was therefore provided and enacted on the Saturday after the Feast of St. Nicholas (6 December) in the one and fortieth year of the reign of King Henry, son of King John, that all wares which have to be weighed by the King’s balances in the City, shall be weighed like gold and silver, the draught in no degree inclining towards the wares; and that in lieu of such draught, the vendor ought to give to the buyer four pounds in every hundred.

A.D. 1257.

In this year there was a failure of the crops; upon which failure a famine ensued, to such a degree that the people from the villages resorted to the City for food; and there upon the famine waxing still greater, many thousand persons perished; many thousands more too would have died of hunger, had not corn just then arrived from Almaine. [The German States.]

KING’S PRISAGE. A.D. 1257

After this, on the Nones (5) of August an edict was published in the City, that no one of the King’s household, nor any other person should take anything in the City, except at the will of the vendors; saving however unto his lordship the King his rightful prisage of wine, that is to say from every ship that owes full custom two tuns of wine at the price of forty shillings. And further that if anyone should presume to contravene the same and be convicted thereof, he should be immediately imprisoned. After this no one of the King’s officers, nor yet any of their people, took anything without soon after paying the vendor for the same: this however lasted for a short time only.

A.D. 1262

In this year ... the Mayor and citizens of London shewed unto Sir Philip Basset, Justiciar of England, and others of the Council of his lordship the King at Westminster, that the Constable of the Tower in contravention of their franchises, wished to arrest and seize vessels in the Thames before the Tower, and take prisage of corn and other things, before they had reached the wharf; further saying, that just then he had caused a vessel belonging to Thomas de Basings, laden with wheat, to be stopped before the Tower, and was for taking one hundred quarters therefrom, at a price by the quarter, two pence less than it would have sold for when brought ashore. To which the Constable made answer, that this he was quite at liberty to do, in behalf of his lordship the King; whereupon the citizens replied that attachments on the Thames pertain solely to the Sheriffs of London, seeing that the whole water of Thames belongs to the City from shore to shore, as far as the Newe Were; (close to Yantlet creek) as has been repeatedly shown....

They said also that his lordship the King takes no prisage of corn, before the vessel has reached the wharf, and that then he is to have the quarter of wheat at two pence less than it would sell for; and this only for the support of his own household. Also that neither the Constable nor any other person is to have prisage of corn, but that if he wishes to buy anything, he must buy it in the market of the City, like the citizens, and at the option of the vendor; and they entreated his lordship the King, that he would preserve their liberties....

LIQUID MEASURES. A.D. 1264

In this year it was provided at the Hustings, on the morrow of All Souls (2 November), that all measures by which wine, ale and other liquors are sold, should be of the same dimensions, the mouth of the gallon being ordered to measure four inches across (cf. 1273).

FISHING REGULATIONS. A.D. 1269

Be it remarked that in ancient times it had been enacted and provided as to nets, used for fishing in the Thames, that in the body of such nets the meshes should be woven of such a size that a man’s thumb nail might be able wholly to pass through them; and that if in any net there should be found a single mesh otherwise woven, the whole of such net was to be condemned....

For which reason it was ... there were many nets seized and brought to the Guildhall, and there by twelve sworn men of the City, who had no share in the said nets, adjudged to be in contravention of the statutes aforesaid. But as to this decision some of the citizens thought differently; and in fact there were some who said, that that part only ought to be burnt which was faulty and unfair, and that the other parts which were good and lawful ought to be saved; while on the other hand, the City, in meeting of its commons, pronounced that a net, a part of which is bad, is bad all over....

... in accordance with the precedent that on another occasion such nets had been wholly burnt the citizens agreed in common that these should in the same manner be condemned; and accordingly so it was done ... all those nets, about twenty in number, were burnt in the middle of Westchepe; so that nothing of them whatever was saved.

A.D. 1269

In this year the pillory that stood in Chepe was broken through the negligence of the Bailiffs, and for a long time remained unrepaired; wherefore, in the meantime no punishment was inflicted on the bakers, who made their loaves just as they pleased; so much so, that each of their loaves was deficient in one third of the weight that it ought to weigh, according to the award that had been made upon the assay of the Feast of St. Michael preceding; and this lasted for a whole year and more.

In the same year, all the freemen of the kingdom of England, as well of vills as of cities, and boroughs and elsewhere, gave unto his lordship the King one twentieth part of all their moveable goods, towards payment of his expenses on his expedition to the land of Jerusalem. But afterwards Sir Edward undertook that expedition, on behalf of his father and himself.

A.D. 1270

These Sheriffs, immediately after the Feast of St. Michael, had a new pillory made, and erected it in the place where the old pillory had previously stood....

A.D. 1271

Throughout all this year, no punishment was inflicted upon the bakers; but they made loaves at their own will; so much so, that each loaf was deficient in weight one third, or one fourth at least.

MEASURES

A.D. 1273

In this year, both before and after Pentecost, all the measures were broken in pieces by the Mayor of the City, by which corn used to be sold in the City, and new ones made of larger dimensions; each of which measures was bound in the upper part by an iron hoop, fastened on with iron nails, that so they might not at any time be falsified.

Each measure also, that is to say, each quarter, half quarter, and bushel, was sealed with the Alderman’s seal.

C. A.D. 1293

Memorandum—that the gallon of Conduit water weighs ten pounds four shillings (1s. 3/5oz.) by the ordinary weight.

Also the gallon of Thames water weighs ten pounds, sixteen pence, by the same weight.

Also the grocers’ pound of wax and of fruit is to weigh 25 shillings, the ounce 25 pence, and the quarter 6 shillings and 3 pence.

Be it remembered that the sterling (silver penny) must weigh 32 grains of corn in number, from the middle of the ear;

And to the quarter of an ounce go 160 grains in number.

And to the half ounce go 320 grains.

And to the whole ounce go 640 grains; the ounce, that is to say, of twenty sterlings.

And to the quarter of the pound go 1,920 grains in number.

And to the half pound go 3,840 grains.

And to the pound of 20 shillings sterling go 7,680 grains in number, divided into 12 ounces.

And the weight of two pounds, which amounts in number to 15,360 grains, makes the quarter of liquor.

And the weight of four pounds, which amounts in number to 30,720 grains, makes the pottle.

And the weight of eight pounds, which amounts in number to 61,440 grains, makes the gallon.

And the weight of thirty-two pounds, which amounts in number to 245,760 grains, makes the old half bushel.

And the weight of sixty-four pounds, which amounts in number to 491,520 grains, makes the bushel of wheat, of the ancient standard.

And the weight of 256 pounds, which amounts in number to 19,266,180 grains of wheat, makes the half quarter.

And the weight of 512 pounds sterling, which amounts in number of grains of wheat to 3,932,160, makes the measure of one quarter of eight bushels.

FAMINE

A.D. 1313

In this year there were such great rains that the wheat failed, and all other things as well, in August; and the rains lasted from Pentecost to Easter.

In this year, upon the Day of St. James (25 July), before August, there was one baker drawn upon the hurdle alone; and because another baker did not have the same sentence carried out, the same day the Mayor was reviled by the people....

1315

In this year there was a great famine, so that people without number died of hunger; and there was also a great pestilence among the people. The quarter of wheat was sold at Pentecost this year and after, at thirty-eight and forty shillings; salt also, at forty shillings, and two small onions for one penny.

DISPUTED ELECTION OF MAYOR

A.D. 1271

When the citizens of London, as the custom is, met together for the election of Mayor in the Guildhall, ... and the Aldermen and more discreet citizens would have chosen Philip le Tayllur, the mob of the City, opposing such election and making a great tumult, cried aloud, “Nay, nay, we will have no one for Mayor but Walter Hervi,” who before was Mayor; and against the will of the rest, with all their might, placed him in the seat of the Mayoralty. The Aldermen, however, and many discreet men who sided with them, being unable to make head against the vast multitude of a countless populace, immediately went to his lordship the King and his Council at Westminster; and Walter Herevy, taking with him the populace, proceeded thither in like manner, promising them, as he before had promised, that he would preserve them, one and all, throughout the whole time of his Mayoralty, exempt from all tallages, exactions and tolls, and would keep the City acquitted of all its debts, both as towards the Queen as towards all other persons, out of the arrears in the rolls of the City Chamberlain contained....

The populace, however, ... making a great tumult in the King’s Hall—so much so, that the noise reached his lordship the King in bed, to which he was confined by a severe illness—was continually crying aloud, “We are the Commons of the City, and unto us belongs the election of Mayor of the City, and our will distinctly is, that Walter Herevy shall be Mayor, whom we have chosen.” But on the other hand, the Aldermen shewed by many reasons, that unto them belongs the election of Mayor, both because they, the Aldermen are the heads, as it were, and the populace the limbs, as also because it is the Aldermen who pronounce judgments in pleas moved within the City. Of the populace on the other hand there are many who have neither lands, rents, nor dwellings in the City, being sons of divers mothers, some of them of servile station, and all of them caring little or nothing about the City’s welfare.

ACCUSATIONS AGAINST A MAYOR

A.D. 1271

Firstly, this Walter had unrighteously attested that a certain person had by writ of his lordship the King been admitted attorney in the Court of his lordship the King as to Pleas of Land; whereas it was afterwards ascertained that no writ thereupon had ever been issued from the Chancery....

Also, in the time of his Mayoralty, he received a writ of his lordship the King, commanding him to appear at Westminster on a certain day there to shew by what right the citizens were to give seizin of the Moor to Walter de Merton. Whereupon he, who was head of the City, and ought to be the City’s defender, made default, and did not return the writ; by reason whereof, the said citizens are in danger of losing the said moor.

Also whereas he ... was bound to maintain and cause to be observed all assises made by the Aldermen and discreet men of the City, and proclaimed throughout the whole City, he allowed ale to be sold in his Ward for threehalfpence the gallon, and confirmed such a sale setting the seal of his Aldermanry to a certain unfair measure made against the statutes of the City, which contained only the sixth part of a gallon.

Also, whereas he ought not to take any part or receive any salary, contrary to his oath he takes fees throughout all the City and receives yearly a sum of money from the community of the fishmongers, upon the understanding that he shall support them in their causes whether just or unjust.

Also as to the letters patent which certain persons of the trades made, ordaining statutes to their own proper advantage only and to the loss of all the City and all the realm; to such letters while he was Mayor, he set a part of the seal of the Community....

Also, whereas corn, wine and the like, when brought into the City for sale, ought not to be taken back out of the City, according to the law and custom of the City, he, taking a bribe, such for example, as from one merchant a tun of wine, from another a pipe, and from another twenty shillings, allowed more than a thousand tuns to be taken out of the City, in contravention of his oath, and to the great loss of the City.

ANTI-SEMITE RIOTS

A.D. 1262

In this year, just after the Feast of St. Martin (11th November) about the time of Vespers, a certain Jew having wounded a Christian in Colechurch Street, many Christians, indeed a countless multitude of people, ran in pursuit of the Jew, and broke into many houses of the Jews; not content with which, afterwards at nightfall they carried off all the goods of the said Jews; and would have broken into many more houses, and carried off the goods, had not the Mayor and Sheriffs repaired to the spot and driven away those offenders by force of arms. For which reason inquisition was made on the morrow and so from day to day, by the Mayor and Sheriffs in the Guildhall....

A.D. 1263

Afterwards in the week before Palm Sunday, the Jewry in London was destroyed, and all the property of the Jews carried off; as many of them as were found being stripped naked, despoiled, and afterwards murdered by night in sections, to the number that is to say of five hundred. And as for those that survived, they were saved by the Justiciars and the Mayor, having been sent to the Tower before the slaughter took place; and then too the Chest of Chirographs was sent to the Tower for safe custody. (See A.D. 1249.)

FLESH SOLD BY JEWS. A.D. 1273

Certain discreet men of the City appeared before the Council of his lordship the King at Westminster; whereupon members of the Council, before certain Jews there present, questioned them thus, saying: “It is notorious that the Jews kill with their own hands all beasts and fowls whose flesh they eat. But some beasts they consider of their law, and some not; the flesh of those which are of their law they eat, and not the flesh of the others. What then do the Jews do with the flesh of those that are not of their law? Is it lawful for the Christians to buy and eat it?”

To which answer was made by the citizens, that if any Christian should buy any such flesh of a Jew, he would be immediately expelled; and that if he should be convicted thereof by the Sheriffs of the City or by any other person, he would lose such flesh, and it would be given to the lepers, or to the dogs, to eat; in addition to which he would be heavily amerced by the Sheriffs. “But if it seems to you that this punishment is too light a one, let your discreetness make provision that such Christians shall be visited with a more severe punishment.” Whereupon the members of the King’s Council said: “We will not have such persons visited with any more severe punishment, without his lordship the King; seeing that this matter concerns the Jews, who belong to his lordship the King.”

JEW CLIPPERS OF COINAGE. A.D. 1278

In the same year, upon the Octaves of St. Martin (11th November) which was a Friday, just before tierce (9 o’clock service), all the Jews of England were seized by reason of the coin, which was vilely clipped and falsified, and upon the Feast of St. Lucy (13th December) after, all the goldsmiths of London, and all those of the Exchange and many of the good folks in town were seized, by reason of the purchase of bullion and the exchange of large coin for small, for which they had been indicted by the Wards. And on the Monday next after the Tiffany (Epiphany) the Justiciars sat at the Guildhall for delivery (gaol delivery) thereon ... and by reason of such doing, three Christians and 293 Jews were drawn and hanged, for clipping the coin.

A.D. 1284

In this year all the Jews of England were taken and imprisoned; and put to ransom....

A.D. 1289

And after this it was provided by the King and his Council, upon prayer of the Pope, that all the Jews in England were sent into exile between the Gule (1 Aug.) and the Feast of All Saints, under pain of decapitation, if after such Feast any one of them should be found in England.

SWORDS FORBIDDEN. A.D. 1319

In this year swords were forbidden, so that no one was to wear them; by reason of which, many swords were taken and hung up beneath Ludgate, within and without. At this time many of the people of the trades of London were arrayed in livery, and a good time was about to begin.

EDWARD II AND LONDON. A.D. 1321

And soon after this the King caused a Charter of great service [i.e., military service] to be made, and wished in every way that the good people of London should have sealed it; but the people of the City would not accede to it, for all that the King could do.

PRIVATE EXPENSES OF EDWARD II

(Antiquarian Repertory, Vol. II, p. 407. MS. in the possession of Thomas Astle, F.R.S., F.A.S.)

Item—paid to the king himself to play at Cross and Pile by Peres Barnard two shillings.

Item paid to Sir Will de Kyngeston for cabbage which he bought to make stew in the Boat.

Tuesday, the 17th of October at Walton. Paid at Shene to James Haggesworth, Henry de Hustrete, Robert Sealour, Henry May, Robin Stronball, John Warwyn, Henry Smallsponne for the wages of his seven Bargemen, working varlets in the Barge. Thomas at Lese each taking threepence a day from Tuesday the 15th of October to Friday the 18th of the same month, reckoning four days, bringing from Byfleet to Shene 1540 faggots in a boat for Madame la Despenser, dwelling at Shene aforesaid, and bringing the King from the aforesaid Shene by water in the same Barge to Cyppenham, 7/-.

11th of March. Item paid to Jack of St. Albans, the King’s painter who danced before the king on a table and made him greatly laugh, by gift from the king’s own hands, in aid to him, his wife, and his children, £. s. d.

Item paid at the lodge at Wolmer when the King hunted deer there to Morris Ken of la Kensine because he rode there before the king and fell ofttimes from his horse at which the king greatly laughed, by gift by command 20/-.

BATTLE OF SLUYS. A.D. 1339.

(Chronicles of London)

Upon the Friday morning, our King espied his enemies upon the sea, and said, “Because our Lord Jesus Christ was put to death on a Friday, we will not shed blood upon that day.”

The wind had then been in the East for the whole fortnight before the King put to sea, but by the grace of Him Who is Almighty, the wind shifted immediately to the West; so that, by the grace of God, the King and his fleet had both wind and weather to their mind. And so they sailed on until sunrise at break of day; when he saw his enemies so strongly equipped, that it was a most dreadful thing to behold; for the fleet of the ships of France was so strongly bound together with massive chains, castles, bretasches, and bars.

But notwithstanding this, Sir Edward, our King, said to all those who were around him in the fleet of England,—“Fair Lords and brethren of mine, be nothing dismayed, but be of good cheer, and he who for me shall begin the fight and shall combat with a right good heart, shall have the benison of God Almighty; and every one shall retain that which he shall gain.”

And so soon as our King had said this, all were of right eager heart to avenge him of his enemies. And then our mariners hauled their sails half mast high, and hauled up their anchors in manner as though they intended to fly; and when the fleet of France beheld this, they loosened themselves from their heavy chains to pursue us. And forthwith our ships turned back upon them, and the melee began, to the sound of trumpets, nakers, viols, tabors, and many other kinds of minstrelsy. And then did our King, with three hundred ships, vigorously assail the French with their five hundred great ships and galleys, and eagerly did our people exert great diligence to give battle to the French. Our archers and our arbalesters began to fire as densely as hail falls in winter, and our engineers hurled so steadily, that the French had not power to look or to hold up their heads. And in the meantime, while this assault lasted, our English people with a great force boarded their galleys and fought with the French hand to hand, and threw them out of their ships and galleys.

And always our King encouraged them to fight bravely with his enemies, he himself being in the cog called “Thomas of Winchelsea.” And at the hour of tierce there came to them a ship of London, which belonged to William Haunsard, and it did much good in the said battle. For the battle was so severe and so hardly contested, that the assault lasted from noon all day and all night, and the morrow until the hour of prime (six a.m.) and when the battle was discontinued, no Frenchman remained alive, save only Spaudefisshe, who took to flight with four and twenty ships and galleys.

FOURTEENTH CENTURY PRICES

(Stow I, p. 243)

HOUSEHOLD OF THOMAS, EARL OF LANCASTER

One whole year’s expenses. Seventh of Edward II

£

s.

d.

Amounting to

7957

13

4½

To wit:

In the Pantry, Buttery and Kitchen

3405

-

-

For 184 Tons, one Pipe of Red or Claret Wine and one Ton of White Wine, bought for the House

104

17

6

For Grocery Ware

180

17

-

For six Barrels of Sturgeon

19

-

-

For 6800 Stockfishes, so called, and for dried Fishes of all sorts, as Lings, Haberdines and other

41

6

7

For 1714 Pound of Wax, with Vermilion and Turpentine to make Red Wax

314

7

4

For 2319 Pounds of Tallow Candles, for the Household, and 1870 of Lights for Paris Candles, called Perchers

31

14

3

Expenses on the Earl’s great Horses, and the Keeper’s Wages

186

4

3

ob.

Linnen Cloth for the Lord and his Chaplains, and for the Pantry

43

17

-

For 129 Doz. of Parchment, with Ink

4

8

3

Sum

£1230

17

7

ob.

Item

:

For

2

Cloths of Scarlet for the Earl against Christmas.

1

Cloth of Russet for the Bishop of Anjou.

70

Cloths of Blue for the Knights (as they were then termed).

15

Cloths of Medley for the Lord’s Clerks.

28

Cloths for the Esquires.

15

Cloths for Officers.

19

Cloths for Grooms

5

Cloths for Archers.

4

Cloths for Minstrels and Carpenters, with the Sharing and Carriage for the Earl’s Liveries at Christmas

£460

1

3

Item

:

For

7

Furs of variable Minever [or powdered Ermin]

7

Hoods of Purple

395

Furs of Budge, for the Liveries of Barons, Knights and Clerks

123

Furs of Lambs for Esquires, bought at Christmas

£147

17

8

Item

:

65

Cloths Saffron Colour, for the Barons and Knights in summer.

12

Red Cloths mixt for Clerks

26

Cloths Ray for Esquires £ s. d.

1

Cloth Ray for Officers’ Coats in Summer and

4

Cloths Ray for carpets in the Hall

£345

13

8

Item

:

100

Pieces of Green Silk for the Knights

14

Budge Furs for Surceats

13

Hoods of Budge for Clerks, and

75

Furs of Lambs for the Lord’s Liveries in summer, with Canvas and cords to truss them

£72

19

-

Item

:

Saddles for the Lord’s Liveries in summer

£51

6

8

Item

:

For one Saddle for the Earl of the Prince’s Arms

£2

-

-

Sum

£1079

18

3

Item

:

For Things bought whereof nothing can be read in my Note

£241

14

1

ob.

For Horses lost in the Service of the Earl

£86

6

8

Fees paid to Earls, Barons, Knights and Esquires

£628

15

6

In Gifts to Knights of France, the Queen of England’s Nurses, to the Countess of Warren, Esquires, Minstrels, Messengers and Riders

£92

14

-

Item

:

168

Yards of Russet Cloth, and 24 Coats for Poor Men, with Money given to the Poor on Maunday Thursday

£8

16

7

Item

:

24

Silver Dishes, so many Sawcers, and so many Cups for the Buttery, one Pair of Paternosters, and one Silver Coffin, bought this Year

£103

5

6

To divers Messengers about the Earl’s business

£34

19

8

In the Earl’s Chamber

£5

-

-

To divers Men for the Earl’s old debts

£88

16

-

ob.

Sum

£1207

7

11

The Expenses of the Countess at Pickering for the Time of this Account, as in the Pantry, Buttery, Kitchen and other Places, concerning these offices

£285

13

4

ob.

In Wine, Wax, Spices, Cleaths, Furs and other things for the Countess’s Wardrobe

£154

7

4

ob.

Sum

£439

8

6

q.

Summa Totalis for the Whole Expences

£7957

13

4

ob.

Thus much for the Earl of Lancaster.

CHAPTER V

FIFTEENTH CENTURY LIFE

INTRODUCTORY NOTES

The Tourney

This is here shown to be a sport, a trial of skill in which groups of knights encounter. The more serious ordeal by battle or tournament is a duel often to the death and so the rules for it are more strict and heavily guarded.

A good lesson on the courtesy of the late chivalric age may be drawn from this and further illustrated from Froissart. Here as there, and in Joinville, the care for horses may be seen.

Wages and Coinage

These are chiefly useful for comparison with other periods, especially those imposed in the Statute of Labourers. The powers of the J.P. may be noted, also the status of the shepherd due to the importance of wool for the new cloth manufacture.

Safeguard of the Sea

This and the following extract are important as illustrating the beginnings of a royal naval policy, the navy to be drawn from merchant shipping and placed under military commanders. It is in accord with the policy advocated in 1436 in the Libel of English Policy (see Lipson, Economic History of England). They shew further the rise of the direct influence of the wealthy wool and cloth merchants in government.

The fleet captured by Wynynton is that of the Hansa League or Easterling Merchants; the work of Henry IV and Henry V, in copying Genoese models, enabled English ships for the first time to carry more than one mast, and so increase both speed and capacity for artillery. Henry VII and Henry VIII continued this policy but Elizabeth economized, relying on their provision and on individual patriotic effort.

Paston Letters

The real meaning of the Wars of the Roses for the society of the time, emerges from such pictures as those of the need for self protection.

Petition of the Commons

This demand of privilege shows how much the Parliament had gained in power from the insecure position of Henry IV and Henry V’s need for war supplies, while the merchants’ wealth grew. It suggests reasons for Henry VII’s determination to drain their resources.

Alnwick’s Visitations

It must be remembered that an enquiry such as this leads to the airing of grievances, and so to a one-sided view of the monastic life; also that by this time the original high standards of most orders were beginning to droop. Care should be taken to avoid giving children a biassed view on this subject.

Enclosures

Under the common field system there had always existed closes, or small fenced pieces of land attached to the owner’s dwelling-house or farm. It was also a lawful practice in the thirteenth century for lords or wealthy men to “approve,” i.e., enclose and cultivate portions of the land hitherto lying waste.

The enclosures of the sixteenth century differ from these. The growth before 1400 of the wool industry for export, and after that period for the English manufacture into cloth, raised the value of sheep-farming, and combined with the shortage of labour to bring about great sheep farms and a capitalistic system. Wealth was concentrated in the hands of big merchants, nobles or corporations. In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century new methods of farming; rotation of crops, including roots; dairying; great drainage schemes led to the desire to escape from the unprogressive open field system; by enclosing, dairy farms became possible, and the famous brands of English cattle, sheep and horses could be developed.

The effect of these changes is noted by A. Young in his tours (see p. 229, etc.).

Holinshed gives a short, clear account of the risings which were brought about by rich or progressive owners enclosing their share of the common fields, and often more than their share. The illustrations from Cambridge documents give some of those details which alone enable children to grasp these social changes.

ORDINANCES RESPECTING TOURNAMENTS

(MS. I, 26, College of Arms. Antiquarian Repertory, Vol. I, p. 144.)

First: whoso breaketh most spears, as they ought to be broken, shall have the prize.

Item: whoso hitteth three times in the helm, shall have the prize.

Item: whoso meeteth three times coronell to coronell shall have the prize.

How the prize should be lost.

First: whoso striketh a horse shall have no prize.

Item: whoso striketh a man, his back turned, or disarmed of his spear, shall have no prize.

Item: whoso hitteth the toyle or tilte thrice, shall have no prize.

Item: whoso unhelms himself twice, shall have no prize, without his horse fail him.

How spears broken shall be allowed.

First: whoso breaketh a spear between the saddle and the charnell of the helm, shall be allowed for one.

Item: whoso breaketh a spear from the charnell upward, shall be allowed for two.

Item: whoso breaketh a spear so as he strike him down or put him out of his saddle or disarm him in such wise as he may not run the next course after, shall be allowed for three spears broken.

Whereas your most noble grace hast most abundantly given unto four maidens of your most honourable court, the castle called Loyal, to dispose according to their pleasure; they have most liberally given the guard and custody of the same unto a captain and with him fifteen gentlemen ... they have undertaken the defence of the same ... to defend and keep the same against all comers....

Item, in any days that this enterprize shall be done, to begin at one of the clock at afternoon, and to continue until seven of the clock at afternoon....

... The VI comers shall take a spear and a sword every of them in like wise, the VI gentlemen putting themselves in range directly against their fellows, every man his spear on his thigh and his sword where it shall please him; and then at the sound of the trumpet to charge and run together all at once everyman to his fellow that shall stand against him, and so pass through.

Item, the course with the spears passed, everyman to take his sword and do his best, only the foyne except, choosing his fellow by fortune as it shall happen, and so to continue until the time that the king shall command to rest.

Item, if any man of arms break his sword or lose it by any fortune he may return to the scaffold where the heralds be and there receive another and so enter into the tourney again. Also it shall not need that every man confine to still in fighting with him whom he shall first encounter, but if he will may also search to and fro taking his advantage, and helping his fellow if need be, always defended that no man lay hand on other but only with his sword to do his best nor twain to set upon one alone unless it be in aiding of his fellow as above....

Item, if any man be disarmed, he may withdraw himself if he will; but once past the bars he may not come again into the tourney, for that day. Also there shall no man have his servant within the bars with any piece of harness, for no man shall be within the said bars but such as shall be assigned by the king’s grace.

Item, who shall best demean himself at the same art of arms shall have a sword garnished to the value of three hundred crowns or under....

Item, if any man strike a horse with his spear, he shall be put out of the tourney without any favour incontinent: and if any slay an horse, he shall pay to the owner of the said horse an hundred crowns in recompense; also it is not to be thought that any man will strike an horse willingly: for if it do, it shall be to his great dishonour.

ORDER OF THE TOURNAMENT

First, the quarrels and bills of the challenger and defendant shall be pleaded in the court before the constable and marshall ... the battle being appointed the constable shall assign them the day and place, in sort that it be not within forty days after the battle appointed ... awarding them how many weapons they shall have, i.e., glaive, long sword, short sword and dagger....

The king shall find the field to fight in ... the lists must be 60 pace long and 40 pace broad, in good order, so that the ground be hard, stable and firm, and equally made, without great stones, the ground flat; and that the lists be strongly barred about, with one door in the east, another in the west, with good and strong bars 7 foot high or more, that a horse cannot leap over them.

The day of the battle, the king shall be in a state upon a high scaffold, and a place shall be made for the constable and marshall at the foot of the stairs of the said scaffold, where they shall sit....

When the Challenger cometh ... to the east gate of the lists in such manner as he will fight with his armour and weapons as is appointed by the court ... the constable and marshall shall go thither, and the constable shall ask him what man he is that is come, armed to the door of the lists? What is his name? And wherefore he is come? And the challenger shall answer.... Then the constable opening the umbrel of his helmet, and perceiving him to be the same man which is the challenger, shall cause the door of the lists to be opened, and suffer him to enter with his said armour, weapons, victuals, and other lowable necessaries about him and also his council with him; and then he shall bring him before the king and to his estate [station] where he shall attend until the defendant be come. In the like sort shall be done to the defendant; but that he shall enter in at the west door of the lists ... the which thing being done, the constable and marshall shall view the spears of the said challenger and defendant and shall cause them to be cut and sharpened of equal measure.... [Both parties being made to swear to their truth and honesty] ... the constable shall cause them to clasp their hands together and to lay their left hands upon the Book.... The oaths being ended and every of them led to his place, their counsellers and friends being taken away from them ... the constable shall command the marshall to make proclamation at the four corners of the lists in manner and form following:

“Oies, oies, oies, we charge and command you in the behalf of the King, the Constable and Marshall, that no man whether of great or small estate ... be so hardie from henceforth to approach the lists by four feet nor to speak one word, to make any countenance, sign, likelihood or noise whereby any of the parties ... may take advantage of each other, upon peril to lose their life and goods at the king’s pleasure. That done the constable and marshall shall cause the lists to be voided of all manner of persons except their lieutenants and two knights one for the constable and one for the marshall ... but the two lieutenants ... ought to have in their hands either of them, a spear without iron, for to part them if the king would cause them to stay in their fighting, whether it be to rest, or otherwise howsoer it be ... and the parties being ready to fight as is said, the constable shall by commandment of the King say with a loud voice: Let them go and rest awhile; Let them go again and rest awhile; Let them go and do their indevoir in God’s name.”

WAGES IN THE TIME OF KING HENRY VI, A.D. 1443

(Antiquarian Repertory, Vol. III, p. 52)

Where [as] the common people of this realm is greatly annoyed by cause of sudden departing of servants of husbandry from their masters at end of their terms without due warning made ... [it is decreed] that every servant of husbandry purposing to depart from his master at end of his term, at midst of his term or else before, make Covenant with another man to serve him for the next year ... in presence of the Constables of the Towns ... also that the salaries and wages of servants, labourers and artificers exceed not the assessing that followeth:—

The salary of a Bailly of Husbandry by year 23/4 and clothing, price of 5/-with meat and drink.

Of a chief hind, a carter, a chief shepherd 20/-and clothing, price of 4/-with meat and drink.

A common servant or husbandman 1/-and clothing, price of 40d.

A woman servant 10/-and clothing, price of 4/-with meat and drink.

A child within age of 14 years 6/-and clothing, price 3/- with meat and drink.

A master tyler or slater, rough mason, and mean carpenter, and other artificers concerning building, by the day 3d. with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 3½d., and from every other labourer by the day 2d. with meat and drink, without meat and drink 3½d.

And from the Feast of Michaelmas unto Easter a free mason and a master carpenter by the day 3d. with meat and drink, without meat and drink 4½d.

Tyler, mean carpenter, rough mason, and other artificers aforesaid by the day 2½d. with meat and drink, without meat and drink 4d., and every other workman, and labourer by the day 1½d. with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 3d., and who that less deserveth to take less; provided that the said assessing extend unto labourers in time of harvest, about harvest labour in which the wages of a mower exceed not by the day 4d. with meat and drink and without meat and drink 6d. A man reaper or carter 3d. by the day with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 5d. A woman labourer and other labourers in harvest by the day 2½d. with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 4½d., and such as are worth less to take less, and in places where less is used to be taken, less to be taken hereafter. And that none artificer, workman, nor labourer, take anything for any holiday, nor for no workaday, except after the rate of the time of day in which he laboureth; and if any person refuse to serve or labour according to the premises that every Justice of the Peace in their shires have power ... to commit to prison, there to abide until they have found suretie sufficient to serve and labour in form by law required.

PETITION FOR THE COINAGE OF HALFPENCE AND FARTHINGS, A.D. 1444

(Rol. Parl. V. 23 Hen. VI)

To the right worshipful and discreet Commons in this present Parlement assembled;

Please it unto your said great and high discretions to consider the great hurt that the poor Commons of this noble realm of England have and suffer at this time for default of Halfpennies and Farthings of silver; insomuch that men travelling over countries, for part of their expenses of necessity must dispart our sovereign Lord’s coin, that is to wit, a penny in two pieces, or else forgo all the same penny for the payment of an halfpenny; and also the poor common retailers of victuals, and of other needful things, for default of such coinage of halfpennies and farthings oftentimes may not sell their said victuals and things, and many of our said sovereign Lord’s poor liege people which would buy such victuals or other small things necessary, may not buy them for default of halfpence and farthings not had, neither on the party buyer, nor on the party seller: which scarcity and wanting of halfpence and farthings hath fall, and daily yet doth, because that for their great weight and their fineness of alloy, they be tried and molten, and put into other use, unto the increase of winning of them that so do....

... enact ... that every pound weight of the Tower ... which be now of the number of 30/-from this time forth, to be of the number of 33/-, no fineness abated of the alloy ... moreover that halfpennies and farthings run not, only in payment of great sums among the people, without other money among; that is to say that no man be bound to receive in payment but after the quantity and rate, in every 20/-of grotes, half grotes and pence, twelve pence in halfpence and farthings and no more; and yet, [even] that by the will and consent of him that shall receive the payment; and this ordinance endure unto the next Parlement; provided also that no white money, as grote, halfgrote, penny, halfpenny, nor farthings, be broken nor molten for the cause above said, on pain of forfeiture to the king, the double value of as much as is so molten or broken; considering furthermore that by this means, plenty of halfpennies and farthings shall be had in short time through this said realm, and the people greatly eased, and the king profited in his seigneurage, and all clipping and melting of halfpennies and farthings hereafter finally fordone.

Response: Soit fait sicome il est desire, etc.

FOR THE SAFEGUARD OF THE SEA

(Petition of the Commons, 1442. 20th Henry VI Rot. Parl. V, 59)

Prayen the Commons, that it please the King, our sovereign Lord, for the safe keeping of the sea, to ordain and authorise by the authority of this Parlement ...

Forasmuch as it is thought by all the Commons of this land, that it is necessary the sea to be kept, there must purveyance be made for certain ships defensably in manner and form following:

First it is thought that least purveyance that can be made for the worship of the King our Sovereign Lord, and welfare and defence of this realm of England is for to have upon the sea continually, for the seasons of the year from Candlemas to Martinmas 8 ships with forstages, the which ships it is thought must have one with another, each of them 150 men, sum (1200) men.

Item, every great ship must have attending upon him a barge and a balinger, and every barge must have 24 men, sum 146 men.

Item, the 8 balingers must have in each of them 40 men, sum 320 men. There must be awaiting and attendant upon them 4 Spynes, in each spyne 25 men, sum 100 men; sum of the men 260 men, every man taking 11 shillings by the month, amounteth in the month £226.

[Follows a list of “where the ships are to be had,” Bristol, Hull, Dartmouth, Newcastle, etc. each contributing certain vessels named].

Item, it is thought there should be chosen and named, eight Knights, and worthy Squires of the West, South and of the North, so that no countrie should be dispesid (sic) [despised]; and thereof the King our Sovereign Lord chose such one as him liketh to be a chief Captain; and other seven as the King liketh of the said eight, for to attend the said Captain; so that every great ship have a Captain within board.

Item, it is to remember that the King will give them in charge, by his officers to them sent, that all these said ships stuffed and arrayed, make their first assemble in the Cuambre ... there to obey such rule and governance, as by their Captain and under captain shall to them be ordained and there muster of every ship to be seen by such persons as the King will depute thereto by his commission.

Item, there such proclamation and ordinance to be made and established amongst and in the said Navy, that none ship or ships harm nor hurt none other ship of our friends; where through any trouble or breaking of Peace might fall between the King our Sovereign Lord, and other of his Friends.

Item, it is thought necessary, that if any ship or ships be taken as enemies, when the goods in the said ship be brought into any port of this land; that the goods nor the ships be not disperbled nor divided, unto the time that it be duly known, whether it be enemies’ goods or friends’ goods; foreseen always that the press be made within the six weeks after the landing or havening of said ship or ships and goods so taken....

Item, it is thought that the goods and ships that may be taken by them, in the sea of our enemies, shall be departed in the form after serving; that is to say, the masters of the ships, quartermasters, shipmen and soldiers shall have half of the ships and goods so taken, and other half of the ship and goods shall be departed in three, of which the owners of the ships, barges, balingers and spynaces shall have two parts, and the chief Captain and under captains the third part; the chief captain shall have double that one of the under captains shall have.

N.B.—[Payment of the Navy to be made out of the Tonnage and Poundage.]

CAPTURE OF FRENCH AND HANSARD SHIPPING,

A.D. 1449

(Paston Letters, Vol. I, p. 84)

Part of Robert Wynyngtone’s report of his service to the king “for the cleansing of the sea, and rebuking of the robbers and pirates thereof, which daily do all the noisance they can.”

First I send you word, that when we went to sea, we took two ships of Brest coming out of Flanders; and then after, there is made a great arming in Britanny to meet with me and my fellowships, that is to say, the great ship of Brest, the great ship of the Morlaix, the great ship of Vannes, with other viij ships, barges and balingers to the number of iij mli [thousand men;] and so we lay in the sea to meet with them.

And then we met with a fleet of a hundred great ships of Prussia, Lubeck, Campe, Rastocke, Holland, Zealand and Flanders, between Guernsey and Portland; and then I came aboard the Admiral and bade them strike in the King’s name of England, and they bade me skite [? strike] in the King’s name of England; and then I and my fellowships said, but he will strike down the sail, that I would oversail him, by the grace of God, an God will send me wind and weather; and they bade me do my worst, by cause I had so few ships and so small that they scorned with me. And as God would, on Friday last was, we had a good wind, and then we armed to the number of ii.m. men in my fellowship, and made us ready for to oversail them; and then they launched a boat and set up a standard of truce, and come and spake with me. And there they were yielded all the hundred ships to go with me in what port that me lust and my fellows; but they fought with me the day before and shot at us a j.m. guns, and quarrel out of number, and have slain many of my fellowships, and maimed also. Wherefore me thinketh that they have forfeit both ships and goods at our sovereign lord the King will ... and so I have brought them all the hundred ships, within Wight, in spite of them all ... for I dare well say that I have here at this time all the chief ships, of Dutchland [Germany], Holland, Zealand and Flanders, and now it were time for to treat for a final peace as for that parte.

MISRULE IN NORFOLK

LETTER TO PASTON FROM HIS WIFE, A.D. 1449

(Paston Letters, Vol. I, p. 82).

Right worshipful husband,

I recommend me to you and pray you to get some cross bows and windacs to bind them with, and quarrels; for our houses here be so low that there may no man shoot out with no long bow, though we had never so much need.

I suppose ye should have such things of Sir John Falstaff, if ye would send to him; and also I would ye should get ij or iij short pollaxes to keep within doors, and as many jacks, an ye may.

Partridge [one of Molyns’ men] and his fellowship are sore afraid that ye would enter again upon them, and they have made great ordinance within the house, as it is told me. They have made bars to bar the doors crosswise, and they have made wickets on every quarter of the house to shoot out at, both with bows and with hand guns; and the holes that be made for hand guns, they be scarce knee high from the plancher [floor], and of such holes be made five. There can no man shoot out at them with no hand bows.

I pray you that you will vouch save to do buy for me 1 lb. of almonds and 1 lb. of sugar, and that ye will do buy some frieze to make of your child his gowns; ye shall have best cheap and best choice of Hayes wife as it is told me. And that ye would buy a yard of broad cloth of black for an hood for me of XIIIjd or IIIjs a yard, for there is neither good cloth nor good frieze in this town. As for the child his gowns, an I have them I will do them maken.

The Trinity have you in his (sic) keeping, and send you good speed in all your matters.

PETITION OF JOHN PASTON, ESQ.

(Paston Letters, Vol. I, pp. 106-8)

To the King, our Sovereign Lord, and to the right wise and discreet Lords, assembled in this present Parliament.

Beseecheth meekly your humble liegeman, John Paston, that where [as] he and other ... have be peaceably possessed of the manor of Gresham, within the county of Norfolk xx year and more, till the xxij day of February, the year of your noble reign xxvi, that Robert Hungerford, Knight, the Lord Molyns, entered in to the said manor ... the said Lord sent to the mansion a riotous people, to the number of a thousand persons ... arrayed in manner of war, with cuirasse, briganders, jacks, salettes, glaives, bowes, arrows, pavyse (shields) pans with fire burning therein, long cromes (hooks) to draw down houses, ladders, pikes, with which they mined down the walls, and long trees with which they broke up gates and doors, and so came into the said mansion, the wife of your beseecher being at that time therein, and xlj persons with her; the which persons they drove out of the said mansion, and mined down the wall of the chamber wherein the wife of your said beseecher was, and bare her out at the gates, and cut asunder the posts of the houses and let them fall, and broke up all the chambers and coffers within the said mansion, and rifled, and in manner of robbery bare away all the stuffe, array, and money that your said beseecher and his servants had there, unto the value of ccli ... saying openly that if they might have found there your said beseecher and one John Damme, which is of council with him, and divers others of the servants of your said beseecher, they should have died. And yet [i.e. still] divers of the said misdoers and riotous people unknown, contrary to your laws, daily keep the said manor with force, and lie in wait.... And also they compel poor tenants of the said manor, now within their danger, against their will, to take feigned plaints in the courts of the hundred there against the ... servants of your said beseecher, who dare not appear to answer for fear of bodily harm, nor can get no copies of the said plaints, to remedy them by the law, because he that keepeth the said courts is of covyn with the said misdoers and was one of the said risers....

Please it your highness, ... to purvey ... that your said beseecher may be restored to the said goods and chattels thus riotously taken away ... and that the said Lord Molynes and his servants be set in such a rule, that your said beseecher, his friends, tenants and servants may be sure and safe from hurt of their persons, and peaceably occupy their lands and tenements under your laws without oppression or unrightful vexation of any of them; and that the said risers and causers thereof may be punished, that other may eschew to make any such rising in this your land of peace in time coming. And he shall pray to God for you.

PETITION OF THE COMMONS TO HENRY VI IN 1460 ON BEHALF OF WALTER CLERK, M.P.

(Antiquarian Repertory, Vol. III, p. 265)

To the King our Sovereign Lord; Prayen the Commons,

Forasmuch that great delay has been in this Parlement, by that Walter Clerk, Burgess of Chippenham in the shire of Wilts, which came by your high commandment to this your present Parlement, and attending to the same in the House for the Commons accustomed, the freedom of which Commons so called, hath ever before this time been and oweth to be, the same Commons to have free coming, going and there abiding: against which freedom the said Walter was, after his said coming, and during this your present Parlement, arrested at your suit for a fine to be made to your Highness, and imprisoned in the Counter of London, and from thence removed into your Exchequer, and then committed into your prison of Fleet ... and sithen that committing, the said Walter was outlawed.... Please it your Highness ... him to dismiss at large ... so that the said Walter may daily tend of this your Parlement, as his duty is to do.... Saving also to your said Commons called now to this your Parlement, and their successors, their whole Liberties, Franchises and Privileges in as ample form and manner, as your said Commons at any time afore this day have had, used and enjoyed and oweth to have, use and enjoy....

Response:—Le Roy le voelt.

CONDITION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES

VISITATION OF BARDNEY

(Alnwick’s Visitations of Religious Houses, Vol. II, 1436-1449. Ed., A. Hamilton Thompson. Lincoln Record Society)

In the year A.D. 1437 in the chapter house of the monastery of Bardney, of the Order of St. Benet, of the diocese of Lincoln, these appeared before ... William ... bishop of Lincoln ... brother John Waynflete, abbot of the same monastery and the monks of the same place ... to undergo with lowliness the visitation of the said reverend father....

Brother John Waynflete, the abbot, being examined says that they are sixteen in number ... also he says that there are three establishments in the monastery, to wit the abbot’s hall, the infirmary and the frater; and sometimes the monks that do stay in the infirmary take their meals not together but separately, to wit, one by himself, and another by himself and a third by himself, and send their broken meat into the town whither they will, and so the alms are wholly wasted.

Also he says that whatsoever guests come down to the monastery are entertained in the guestmaster’s quarters, and not, as is the usual custom, in the abbot’s hall.

Also he says that long and many watchings are kept at night in the guest-house in the infirmary, at which beer from the frater is consumed, and this by monks who spend their time in such offences against discipline and will not give them up.

Also he says that all day long they sit in the frater drinking and spending their time in messes and drinkings as though it were a public tavern, and to these they bring in secular folk.

Also he says that the monks too often make expeditions into the town of Bardney, where for their ease they haunt the taverns to the great scandal of the monastery....

Also he says that the church, manors, granges and tenements belonging to the monastery are much dilapidated and stand in need of large repairs. Also he says that the monastery is many ways in debt, as is apparent in the roll delivered to my lord.

Also he says that there is a sore division and discord among almost all of the convent who are confederate together and in conspiracy one with another against Thomas Bartone....

Also he says that the baker, the brewer, the porter, the smith and the lime-burner receive corrodies severally of a large amount [and] do eat almost daily of the abbot’s victuals.

Also he says that they who abide in the frater have each his separate dish and they in the infirmary do eat by two and two, and every day in the frater they will have at least three sorts of fish.

Also he says that women have too free and often access to the cloister precincts and most especially to the infirmary [where there is] eating, drinking and chattering between the monks and the same women to the great expense and scandal [of the monastery].

Also he says that in the conventual church the monks almost of custom do chatter with women during divine service [in a very ...] manner, by reason whereof the monastery is very evil spoken of.

Also he says that each monk receives for his clothing year by year forty shillings in divers parcels.

Brother John Rose, deacon, says that a young layman who dwells with the abbot did most foully browbeat and scold this deponent, and it is notorious [that] this youth, by name Taylboys, is upheld by the abbot against the young monks.

Also he says ... that the chantries of Partney and Skandleley and the others are not served.

Also he says as above concerning the scanty supply of victuals for the monks in the frater and infirmary, insomuch that after their meals nothing is left for the sustenance of their serving men or for the alms and this is Bartone’s default.

Also he says that Bartone is every night in the infirmary without lawful cause.

Also he says that the injunctions made by the last my lord of Lincoln in his visitation are not observed in aught, nor are they shown publicly in the Chapterhouse.

Brother Richard Anderby says that Bartone makes too much haste in singing the psalms and in other [parts of the service], causing discord among them when they chant.

Also the same Bartone is past bearing among the brethren, and all that he has he wastes in meat and drink and presents, that he may win to himself for his support the influence of layfolk.

Also he speaks of the unwary and improvident sale of manors.

CATESBY PRIORY

Sister Juliane Wolfe says that there should be two lights burning in the upper church and quire in time of divine service (p. 47).

Also she says that the prioress does not shew the account of her administrations to the Sisters.

Also she says that the prioress has pawned the jewels of the house....

Also she says that the prioress did threaten that, if the nuns disclosed aught in the visitation, they should pay for it in prison.

Also Isabel Wavere, the prioress’ mother, rules almost the whole house together with Joan Colworthe, the kinswoman of a certain priest, and these two do carry all the keys of the offices.

Also when guests come to the house, the prioress sends out the young nuns to make their beds, the which is a scandal to the house and a perilous thing.

Also the prioress does not give the nuns satisfaction in the matter of raiment and money for victuals: and she says that touching the premises the prioress is in the nuns’ debt for three-quarters of a year.

Also the buildings and tenements both within and without the priory are dilapidated, and many have fallen to the ground because of default in repairs.

Dame Isabel Benet says that when the prioress is enraged against any of the nuns, she calls them whores and pulls them by the hair, even in quire....

The prioress denies the article of cruelty as regards calling them whores and beggars; she denies also the violent laying of hands upon the nuns.

As to not having rendered an account, she confesses it, and for the reason that she has not a clerk who can write.

As to the burden of debt she refers herself to the account now to be rendered.

As to the neglection in repairing the sheep-folds, she refers herself to the visible evidence.

As to pawning the cup, she says that the same was done with the consent of the convent for the payment of tithes....

As to the disclosures on the last visitation and the reproaching of them that made them and the whipping, she denies the article....

As to her mother and Joan Coleworthe, she denies the article.

As to the bedmaking and the other tasks she denies the article.

As to withholding victuals and raiment from the nuns, she confesses it in part.

As to the dilapidation of the outer tenements, she says that they are partly in repair and partly not.

As to the sowing of discord, she says that she might have done this, she is not certain....

She has the morrow for clearing herself, of [the articles] she has denied, with four of her sisters, and to receive penance for those she has confessed. At the which term she brought forward no compurgators; ... she was pronounced to be convicted....

My lord ordained that there be two [nuns] receivers, to receive and to pay out [the money to be kept in a chest] under three locks, and that all live in common, leaving off their separate households, and that these things do begin at Michaelmas next. And all were warned to remove all secular folk from the dorter on this side the morrow of the Assumption. And all were warned under pain of excommunication that none do reproach another by reason of her disclosures. And the prioress was warned to [shut] and open the doors of the church and cloister at the due times, and to keep the keys with her by night in the dorter.

Dames Isabel Benet and Agnes Halesley, nuns of Catesby, will not obey or hearken to the injunctions of the lord bishop, and especially that concerning giving up their [private] chambers, asserting that they are not subject to the same.

Also the said dame Isabel on Monday last past did pass the night with the Austin friars at Northampton, and did dance and play the lute with them on the same place until midnight, and on the night following she passed the night with the friars preachers at Northampton, luting and dancing in like manner.

SIXTEENTH CENTURY ENCLOSURES, A.D. 1549

(Holinshed, Chronicle of England, III, p. 156)

So it was, that the King’s Majesty, by the advice of his uncle, the Lord Protector, and other of the Council, thought good to set forth a proclamation against enclosures, and taking in of fields and commons that were accustomed to lie open, for the behoof of the inhabitants dwelling near to the same, who had grievously complained of gentlemen and others for taking from them the use of those fields and commons, and had enclosed them into parks and several pasture for their private commodities and pleasures, to the great hindrance and undoing many a poor man.

This proclamation tending to the benefit and relief of the poor, appointed that such as had enclosed those commons, should upon a pain by a day assigned lay them open again. But how well soever the setters forth of this proclamation meant, thinking hereby peradventure to appease the grudge of the people that found themselves grieved with such enclosures; yet verily it turned not to the wished effect, but rather ministered occasion of a foul and dangerous disorder. For whereas there were few that obeyed the commandment, the unadvised people presuming upon their proclamation, thinking they should be borne out by them that had set it forth, rashly without order took upon them to redress the matter: and assembling themselves in unlawful wise, chose to them captains and leaders, brake open the enclosures, cast down ditches, killed up the deer which they found in parks, spoiled and made havoc after the manner of an open rebellion. First they began to play these parts in Somersetshire, Buckinghamshire, Northamptonshire, Kent, Essex, and Lincolnshire.

In Somersetshire they brake up certain parks of Sir William Herbert, and the Lord Sturton: but Sir William Herbert assembling a power together by the King’s commission, slew and executed many of these rebellious people. In other places also by the good diligence and police used by the council, the rebels were appeased and quieted.

But shortly after, the commons of Devonshire and Cornwall rose by way of rebellion, demanding not only to have enclosures laid open, and parks disparked, but also through the instigations and pricking forward of certain popish priests, ceased not by all sinister and subtle means, first under God’s Name and the King’s, and under the colour of religion, to persuade the people to assemble in routs to choose captains to guide them and finally to burst out into open rebellion.

GRIEVANCES OF CAMBRIDGE MEN. (EXAMPLES)

(Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, Vol. II, p. 38)

Inprimis, we find that there be IV Almshouses decayed in Jesus Lane, which ought to be upholden and maintained by Mr. Thomas Hutton.

Item: we find that a piece of noisome ground is taken in out of the common and enclosed with a muddle wall at the end of Jesus Lane, for the which the incorporation of the town is recompensed, but not the whole inhabitants of the town which find themselves injured.

Item: we find that Andrew Lambes close is croft land and ought to lie open with the field at Lammas as common.

Item: we find that Mr. Hynde unlawfully doth bring into Cambridge field a flock of sheep to the number of VI or VII hundred, to the undoing of the farmers and great hindrance of all the inhabitants of Cambridge.

Item: we find that Trinity College hath enclosed a common lane which was a common course both for cart, horse and man, leading to the river, unto a common green, and no recompense made therefore.

Item: we find that Mr. Muryell hath plowed up certain balks and cart ways in the field.

Item: we find that Mr. Bykardyck hath plowed up the more part of a balk behind the Black Friars of VII feet broad ... and he hath ditched it at both ends.

Item: we find that Queen’s College have taken a piece of common ground commonly called Gosling Green without recompense.

Item: we find that Mr. Fanne hath in his hands a piece of marsh ground now severalled, which was common within these XVI years, the rent is VIId.

Item: we find that beyond Styrbrydge Chapel, Dytton men have pulled down a bridge, stopped the water, drowned the commons and so enter upon Cambridge common.

Item: we find that Mr. Kymbalde hath walled and ditched upon the highway in Barnwell, whereby the said way is much straitened.

Mem.: of a common balk through a pasture ground adjoining next to Rutland’s house in Little St. Mary’s now inhabited by R. Tomlynson, which balk should be a way to go to Thomas leys and so forth on balks to Jesus Green, etc., which pasture is now purchased by the town, etc.

RIOTERS’ BALLAD

JAKE OF THE NORTH

(Cooper, II, p. 40)

Jake of the North: